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Security Forces Take Control of Rawalakot Bus Terminal After Months-Long Sit-In; Reports of Gunfire and Injuries Emerge

Syeda Sehar
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Security Forces Take Control of Rawalakot Bus Terminal After Months-Long Sit-In; Reports of Gunfire and Injuries Emerge

RAWALAKOT, Azad Jammu and Kashmir (PaJK), 5 November 2026 — Pakistani security forces reportedly took control of Rawalakot’s central bus terminal on Thursday morning, bringing a dramatic escalation to a months-long public sit-in organised by the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC), according to photographs, videos and eyewitness accounts circulated by local Kashmiri social media users.

Posts shared on Facebook and Instagram showed security personnel outside the two-storey bus terminal building, where protesters had maintained a prolonged demonstration demanding the implementation of 38 public demands, including relief on electricity costs, employment opportunities and fundamental rights.

The reported operation has raised fresh concerns about the safety of civilians in Rawalakot, as local accounts described heavy gunfire, the movement of armoured vehicles and attempts by security personnel to clear the protest site.

The Azadi Times had earlier confirmed three deaths in connection with the escalating situation in Rawalakot.

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Additional claims of casualties and injuries circulated on Thursday, although the full extent of the reported casualties and the circumstances surrounding them remain independently unverified.

Security forces reportedly occupy the protest site

Several Kashmiri social media accounts shared photographs of the Rawalakot bus terminal on Thursday morning, describing the development as a takeover of the protest site by security forces.

A post attributed to Threads accounts Basharat4230 and @zamikashmiri, shared at approximately 8:27 am, carried the caption: “Rawalakot: Forces’ occupation at the bus terminal, November 5, 2026.”

Similar photographs were subsequently circulated by other local accounts, including Kasher Media Official and Zahid Akhtar Khan.

The images showed the same two-storey concrete structure, an open ground in front of the building and vehicles parked nearby. The photographs were accompanied by Urdu and English captions describing the reported deployment of security personnel and the loss of protesters’ control over the location.

An Instagram graphic shared by account shahidraja3732 also reported that an operation had begun in Rawalakot and that the bus terminal had been evacuated.

Taken together, the posts indicate that security personnel had established a presence at the terminal and that protesters were no longer occupying the site in the same manner as before.

However, the precise circumstances of the reported takeover, including whether all protesters were removed and whether force was used inside the terminal, could not be independently established from the available material.

Local accounts report heavy gunfire and armoured vehicles

Separate Facebook posts attributed to Sardar Hamza Naseer, Tahir Mushtaq Kashmiri, Sehansa Azad Kashmir and other Kashmiri accounts described an operation involving armoured vehicles and heavy machine guns.

One circulating post claimed that security forces were attempting to take control of the bus terminal in the Matialmrah area of Rawalakot, with intense firing reported.

An Instagram account identified as Startup Kashmir Records shared footage filmed from a nearby wooded hillside. The accompanying text described security forces dispersing the Rawalakot bus terminal sit-in and reported multiple injuries. Sounds resembling gunfire could be heard in the footage, although their source and the precise circumstances in which the recording was made could not be independently verified.

Other social media accounts claimed that security personnel were advancing towards the protest area from three directions, identified as Naseem Town, Farhan Chowk and Chandni Chowk.

These accounts also described resistance by local residents and protesters.

Initial reports circulating among Kashmiri social media users referred to at least two injured protesters. The number of injured people, however, remains unconfirmed.

The Azadi Times has not independently verified the reported use of heavy weapons, the direction of the alleged advances or the complete sequence of events during the operation.

A prolonged protest over 38 public demands

The sit-in at Rawalakot bus terminal was organised under the banner of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee, a coalition that has mobilised public support around economic relief, electricity pricing, employment and wider civic demands in Azad Jammu and Kashmir.

The protest had continued for several months, attracting residents from different parts of the region.

Participants included men, women, young people and elderly residents, according to photographs and videos shared during the demonstration.

The protesters’ demands centred on issues affecting everyday life, particularly the cost of electricity, access to employment and what the committee describes as the denial of fundamental public rights.

Social media accounts have given differing dates and day counts for the beginning and duration of the sit-in. Some posts identify 6 June as its starting date, while others refer to 9 June. Reports circulated in recent days have variously described the demonstration as having continued for approximately 145 to 151 days.

Regardless of the precise count, the protest represented a sustained period of public mobilisation in Rawalakot.

Its reported removal through a security operation marks a significant development in a dispute that had continued for months without a publicly established resolution of the committee’s demands.

Conflicting accounts and the official response

The developments have also highlighted a significant difference between accounts circulating among local residents and the official position.

A spokesperson for the Inspector General of Police in Azad Jammu and Kashmir rejected social media claims of a police operation, shelling and firing at the protest site.

According to the spokesperson, no action had been conducted by police or other law enforcement agencies at the sit-in location at Darik Eidgah. The spokesperson described the circulating allegations as baseless and misleading propaganda.

The statement, however, did not independently resolve the questions raised by photographs and videos showing security personnel at the central bus terminal.

The bus terminal and Darik Eidgah have been identified separately in the circulating accounts, making precise identification of the location and timeline particularly important.

The available material does not establish whether the official statement was referring to the same location and period described in the social media reports.

The Azadi Times has not independently obtained a detailed operational account from the relevant authorities or a complete explanation of the reported security deployment.

Social media becomes a crucial source of information

With reports of disrupted communications and difficulties accessing information from parts of the region, Facebook and Instagram have become important channels through which residents are sharing photographs, videos and updates.

Several local accounts published images of the same bus terminal building, while others circulated footage and written descriptions of the reported operation.

The similarity of the photographs provides a basis for identifying the location depicted, although it does not independently establish when every image was recorded or verify all the claims attached to it.

The circulation of casualty claims has also increased public anxiety.

The Azadi Times had previously confirmed three deaths in its reporting on the Rawalakot escalation. Further casualty figures circulating on social media should be treated separately until the identities, circumstances and number of additional casualties can be independently established.

The situation also raises concerns about the ability of families to obtain information about missing, injured or detained relatives.

Reliable communication and access to medical assistance are particularly important during periods of heightened tension.

A critical moment for civil rights and public accountability

The developments at Rawalakot bus terminal have placed the authorities and the Joint Awami Action Committee at a critical point in their prolonged confrontation.

For protesters, the sit-in was an expression of demands concerning economic security, public representation and fundamental rights. Its reported removal does not, by itself, resolve the underlying grievances that brought people to the streets.

The central question now extends beyond control of the bus terminal: whether the outstanding public demands will be addressed through meaningful dialogue, and whether the circumstances surrounding the reported operation will be transparently investigated.

The safety of civilians, access to medical assistance, freedom of peaceful assembly and the right to express public grievances remain central concerns.

The Azadi Times will continue to monitor developments in Rawalakot, verify emerging casualty information and seek further accounts from residents, protest representatives and relevant authorities.

This is a developing story. Information will be updated as further independently verifiable details become available.

Editorial Note

This report is based on photographs, videos and written accounts circulated by Kashmiri social media users on 5 November 2026. Claims concerning the use of heavy weapons, casualties, injuries and the circumstances of the reported operation have been attributed where possible and have not been presented as independently established facts. The official police response has also been included for completeness.

Three Killed, Dozens Reportedly Injured as Clashes New Escalate in Rawalakot, Azad Kashmir

The Azadi Times
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Three Killed, Dozens Reportedly Injured as Clashes New Escalate in Rawalakot, Azad Kashmir

Clashes Reported Since Morning

RAWALAKOT, November 5, 2026 — Three people have been killed and dozens reportedly injured amid escalating clashes during an ongoing protest sit-in in Rawalakot, according to local sources. Gunfire and shelling have been reported as tensions intensify across the city.

According to information received by The Azadi Times from local sources, clashes and heightened tensions have been reported in Rawalakot since Thursday morning, November 5, during an ongoing sit-in protest.

Several posts and videos circulating on social media allege that gunfire and shelling took place in the vicinity of the protest. Local accounts have also described scenes of panic and confusion, although the circumstances surrounding the reported incidents remain unclear.

Three Deaths Reported, Dozens Allegedly Injured

Reports circulating on social media claim that three young men were killed and dozens of others injured during the reported violence.

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Some local sources have identified the alleged victims as Ehtisham Younis, Adil Rashid and Atif Jarchis. However, The Azadi Times independently verified their identities and confirmed the reported deaths through hospital records, families or official sources.

The circumstances of the alleged casualties, including whether they resulted from gunfire or other causes, remain unconfirmed.

Communications Blackout Raises Concerns

The situation is further complicated by restricted communications in Rawalakot.

Local sources report that mobile networks and internet services, which had reportedly been operating on a limited basis, have become unavailable again, making it difficult for residents to communicate and for journalists to independently verify developments.

Internet restrictions have affected Rawalakot for months. The Azad Jammu and Kashmir government had previously maintained restrictions on internet services in Rawalakot and Sudhanoti under its phased restoration arrangements.

The renewed reports of communication disruptions have raised concerns about access to information and independent reporting during the unfolding situation.

Drone Activity Claims Await Verification

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Some social media posts have also alleged the presence of drones over Rawalakot and raised concerns about possible aerial activity.

However, The Azadi Times has not independently verified reports of drone attacks, their operators, or whether any such activity resulted in casualties or damage.

Calls for International Attention

Amid the reports, local residents and social media users have appealed to international media organisations, the United Nations, human rights organisations and the wider international community to take notice of the situation in Rawalakot.

They have urged international organisations to monitor developments, seek clarification from the relevant authorities and ensure the protection of civilians.

The Azadi Times Monitoring the Situation

The Azadi Times is following developments in Rawalakot and will update this report as further information becomes available.

At the time of publication, the reported death toll, number of injured people, circumstances of the alleged firing and claims of drone activity had not been independently verified.

The Azadi Times will continue to distinguish verified information from unconfirmed claims as the situation develops.

Kashmiri Red Chilli Powder: The Gentle Heat That Defines a Cuisine

The Azadi Times
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Kashmiri Red Chilli Powder: The Gentle Heat That Defines a Cuisine

SRINAGAR, Indian-administered Kashmir — Walk into any Kashmiri kitchen in November, and you will smell it before you see it. It is not the sharp, eye-watering burn of a ordinary red chilli. It is something softer — a warm, almost fruity aroma that rises from a pan of slow-cooked curry, staining the oil a deep, glowing crimson. This is the smell of Kashmiri red chilli powder, the spice that gives Kashmiri cuisine its signature colour without its signature pain.

For anyone who has eaten a proper Kashmiri rogan josh or yakni, the experience is unforgettable: a dish that looks fiery enough to bring tears, yet tastes mellow, aromatic, and deeply complex. The secret is not in the chef’s restraint. It is in the chilli itself. Kashmiri red chilli — known locally as kashmiri mirch — is a mild, deeply coloured variety that has become one of the most sought-after spices in the world, and its story is inseparable from the valley that grows it.

This is the story of Kashmiri red chilli powder — what it is, why it is different, how it is used, and why a spice from a disputed Himalayan region has found its way into kitchens from London to Lahore to New York.

What Is Kashmiri Red Chilli Powder?

Dried Kashmiri chillies spread out for sun drying, the traditional method used to concentrate colour and flavour.
Dried Kashmiri chillies spread out for sun drying, the traditional method used to concentrate colour and flavour.

Kashmiri red chilli powder is a ground spice made from dried Kashmiri chillies, a variety of Capsicum annuum grown primarily in the Kashmir Valley and adjacent regions. It is prized not for heat but for colour — a vivid, natural red that chefs describe as “scarlet” or “crimson” — and for a mild, slightly sweet, almost smoky flavour.

The confusion many international cooks face is simple: they expect a chilli called “Kashmiri” to be hot. It is not. On the Scoville scale, which measures chilli heat, Kashmiri chillies typically register between 1,000 and 2,000 Scoville Heat Units (SHU) — roughly comparable to a mild paprika or a poblano pepper, and far below the 30,000–50,000 SHU of a typical cayenne. The heat is gentle, the colour is intense, and that combination is what makes the spice so valuable.

According to culinary and agricultural sources, Kashmiri chilli is distinguished by its thin skin, its deep red colour, and its relatively low capsaicin content. When dried and ground, it produces a powder that is bright, aromatic, and remarkably versatile. It is used not only in Kashmiri cooking but across South Asian cuisine, where it is valued as a natural food colouring as much as a flavouring.

Why Kashmiri Chilli Is Different: Colour Over Heat

The defining characteristic of Kashmiri red chilli is the ratio of colour to heat. Most chillies are bred for pungency — the higher the Scoville rating, the more valuable the crop. Kashmiri chilli is the opposite: it is bred for its pigment.

This is why Kashmiri red chilli powder is often used in dishes where a deep red colour is desired but a strong burn is not. Traditional Kashmiri dishes such as rogan josh, yakni, gustaba, and tabak maaz rely on the chilli for their visual identity. The powder is added early in the cooking process, often to hot oil or ghee, where it releases its colour and aroma without overwhelming the palate.

Strings of red Kashmiri chillies hanging on a house wall beside a window to dry in the sun, a traditional method of preserving the spice in Kashmir.
Strings of red Kashmiri chillies hanging on a house wall beside a window to dry in the sun, a traditional method of preserving the spice in Kashmir.

The same logic applies outside Kashmir. In Mughlai and Punjabi cooking, Kashmiri red chilli powder is used to give tandoori marinades and curries their characteristic red hue. In the global food industry, it is used as a natural colourant — a cleaner-label alternative to synthetic dyes. And in home kitchens across the diaspora, it has become a staple for cooks who want the look of a spicy dish without the heat.

There is also a regional dimension. Kashmiri chilli is grown in the valley’s specific climate — cool, temperate, with distinct seasons — and this affects the flavour. The powder has an earthy, slightly fruity note that distinguishes it from chillies grown in warmer climates. This terroir is part of what makes the Kashmiri variety unique, and it is why the name “Kashmiri” carries weight in the spice trade.

How It Is Made: From Field to Powder

The production of Kashmiri red chilli powder is a slow, seasonal process that has changed little in its essentials for generations.

The chillies are harvested in late summer and autumn, when they are fully ripe and deep red. They are then dried — traditionally in the sun, spread on mats or rooftops, where they turn brittle and dark. The drying process is crucial: it concentrates the colour and flavour, and it determines the quality of the final powder. In Kashmir’s autumn climate, with its clear skies and cool air, the conditions are ideal.

Once dried, the chillies are stemmed and ground. Traditional grinding was done on stone mills, which produced a coarse, intensely coloured powder. Modern production uses mechanical grinders, but the principle is the same: the goal is to preserve the colour and aroma, not to generate heat. The powder is then sieved and packed, often with minimal processing to retain its natural character.

The result is a powder that varies in intensity depending on the variety and the season. Good Kashmiri red chilli powder is bright, aromatic, and free of additives. Poor-quality versions are often diluted with other chillies, artificial colours, or fillers — a problem that has led to increased demand for certified and single-origin products.

How to Use Kashmiri Red Chilli Powder

For cooks unfamiliar with the spice, the first lesson is simple: use more than you think you need, and expect less heat than you fear.

Because Kashmiri chilli is mild, recipes often call for a full teaspoon or more where a pinch of cayenne would suffice. The goal is colour and aroma, not fire. The powder is typically added to hot oil or ghee at the start of cooking, where it blooms and releases its pigment. In Kashmiri cooking, this step is called tadka or baghar, and it is the foundation of many classic dishes.

Beyond Kashmiri cuisine, the powder is used in:

  • Tandoori and Mughlai dishes — for the characteristic red colour of marinades and curries

  • Lentil and bean dishes — to add depth and colour without heat

  • Rice dishes — for a subtle red tint and aroma

  • Marinades — as a natural colourant for grilled meats

  • Spice blends — as a component of garam masala and other mixes

A practical tip for international cooks: Kashmiri red chilli powder can be used as a partial substitute for paprika or mild chilli powder, but it has a distinct flavour profile. It is earthier and more aromatic than paprika, and it is best used in dishes where colour matters as much as taste.

The Health Dimension: Why Mild Matters

One of the reasons Kashmiri red chilli powder has gained international attention is its health profile. Capsaicin, the compound that makes chillies hot, has been studied for its potential benefits — including metabolism support and pain relief — but it can also cause digestive discomfort in sensitive individuals. Kashmiri chilli, with its low capsaicin content, offers the flavour and colour of chilli without the intensity.

The powder is also rich in natural pigments, particularly carotenoids, which are antioxidants. It contains vitamins and minerals, and it is used in traditional medicine as a digestive aid and a warming spice. These claims should be treated with the caution due to any traditional remedy, but the nutritional profile of the spice is genuinely notable.

For international readers, the key point is that Kashmiri red chilli powder is not a “hot” spice. It is a flavouring and colouring agent with a gentle warmth, and it can be used generously by cooks who want the taste of chilli without the burn.

The Global Journey: From the Valley to the World

Kashmiri red chilli powder has travelled far from the valley. It is now sold in South Asian grocery stores across the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, and the Gulf. It appears in the ingredient lists of restaurant dishes and packaged spice blends. It has become a pantry staple for home cooks who want authentic colour in their curries.

The global demand has had mixed consequences. On one hand, it has created export markets for Kashmiri farmers and traders, and it has raised the profile of Kashmiri cuisine internationally. On the other hand, it has created a market for counterfeit and diluted products. The name “Kashmiri” is not always protected, and buyers are advised to look for reputable suppliers, clear labelling, and, where possible, single-origin products.

There is also a cultural dimension. For the Kashmiri diaspora, the spice is a link to home — a way of recreating the taste of the valley in kitchens far away. For international cooks, it is an entry point into a cuisine that is often overshadowed by the region’s politics. In that sense, Kashmiri red chilli powder is a small ambassador: a spice that carries the name of a disputed land into kitchens around the world, and in doing so, tells a story that is not only about conflict.

Frequently Asked Questions

Is Kashmiri red chilli powder hot?
No. Kashmiri chilli is mild, typically 1,000–2,000 on the Scoville scale. It is used for colour and flavour, not heat.

What is the difference between Kashmiri chilli powder and regular chilli powder?
Kashmiri chilli powder is milder and deeper in colour than most regular chilli powders. It is used primarily for its red pigment and aroma, not for pungency.

Can I substitute Kashmiri red chilli powder with paprika?
Partially. Paprika is also mild, but it has a different flavour profile. Kashmiri chilli is earthier and more aromatic. Use paprika as a substitute only if the recipe does not depend on the specific Kashmiri flavour.

Where can I buy authentic Kashmiri red chilli powder?
Look for South Asian grocery stores, specialty spice retailers, and reputable online suppliers. Check for clear labelling and, where possible, single-origin certification.

Is Kashmiri chilli powder used in Kashmiri dishes like rogan josh?
Yes. It is a core ingredient in many traditional Kashmiri dishes, where it provides the characteristic red colour and a gentle warmth.

Conclusion: A Spice That Carries a Valley

Kashmiri red chilli powder is a small thing — a spice, a colour, a flavour. But it carries a larger story. It is a product of the valley’s soil and climate, a craft of drying and grinding, and a taste that has travelled from Kashmiri kitchens to the world.

For cooks, it is a tool: a way to add colour and warmth without heat. For Kashmiris, it is a taste of home. For the international reader, it is a reminder that Kashmir is not only a place of conflict, but a place of cuisine, craft, and culture — a place whose flavours have found their way into kitchens around the world.

Kashmiri Jewellery: Gold, Sapphires, and the Craft That Survived Empires

Saba Anjum
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Kashmiri Jewellery: Gold, Sapphires, and the Craft That Survived Empires

SRINAGAR, Indian-administered Kashmir — In the narrow lanes of Srinagar’s old city, behind wooden shopfronts that have stood for generations, there is a sound that has not changed in centuries: the soft tap of a hammer on silver, the hiss of a blowtorch, the quiet murmur of a craftsman explaining a design to a customer. This is where Kashmiri jewellery is still made — not in factories, not in mass-production units, but by hand, in workshops that have passed from father to son for longer than most nations have existed.

Kashmiri jewellery is not simply ornament. It is a record of the valley’s history — its Hindu and Muslim past, its Persian and Central Asian influences, its Buddhist and Sufi layers, and its long, complicated relationship with the gemstones that lie beneath its mountains. To understand Kashmiri jewellery is to understand Kashmir itself: a place of extraordinary beauty, deep craftsmanship, and unresolved political identity.

This is the story of that craft — its designs, its gold and silver, its sapphires and gemstones, and the artisans who have kept it alive through war, occupation, and economic collapse.

What Is Kashmiri Jewellery?

Kashmiri jewellery refers to the traditional ornaments crafted in the Kashmir Valley and the surrounding regions, distinguished by specific design motifs, metalwork techniques, and the use of locally sourced gemstones. It is worn across communities — by Kashmiri Pandits, Kashmiri Muslims, and the wider diaspora — and it carries meanings that are both aesthetic and symbolic.

The craft has deep roots. According to historical and craft documentation, Kashmiri jewellery design draws on nature: the almond (badam), the chinar leaf, the myna bird, and the bulbul are recurring motifs. These are not random decorations. They are the visual vocabulary of the valley — the trees, birds, and fruits that define its landscape — translated into gold and silver.

The craft also reflects Kashmir’s position on the old trade routes. Persian, Central Asian, and Mughal influences are visible in the filigree work, the use of enamel, and the geometric precision of certain pieces. But the result is distinctly Kashmiri — a style that is recognisable at a glance to anyone who knows the trade.

The Dejihor and the Bridal Taj: Symbols of Marriage and Identity

No discussion of Kashmiri jewellery is complete without the Dejihor — the long, dangling ear ornament worn by Kashmiri Pandit women. For Kashmiri Pandits, the Dejihor is not merely jewellery; it is a symbol of marriage and identity. It is traditionally worn by married women, and it carries a significance that goes beyond decoration.

An illustrative image of a woman wearing traditional Kashmiri jewellery, reflecting the region's cultural and craft traditions.
An illustrative image of a woman wearing traditional Kashmiri jewellery, reflecting the region’s cultural and craft traditions.

The Dejihor hangs from the top of the ear and extends downward in a series of linked elements. Its design varies by region and family, but the essential form — a long, elegant chain of gold or silver, often set with stones — is consistent. For Kashmiri Pandit women, wearing the Dejihor is an assertion of cultural continuity, especially in the diaspora, where the ornament has become a marker of belonging.

Alongside the Dejihor is the Taj — a bridal crown, typically made of silver or gold, worn during weddings. The Taj is pointed and ornate, and it is one of the most recognisable pieces of Kashmiri bridal jewellery. Together, the Dejihor and the Taj form the core of the Kashmiri Pandit bridal ensemble, a tradition that has survived displacement and migration.

Among Kashmiri Muslims, the bridal jewellery follows a different but related vocabulary. The Halqaband — a necklace set with rubies, emeralds, precious stones, and mirrors — is a common bridal piece. The Jhumka (dome-shaped earrings) and the Kana Vai (a chain worn across the forehead or hair) are also part of the traditional repertoire. The shared motifs — almonds, chinar leaves, birds — cut across religious lines, a reminder that Kashmiri culture predates the divisions that now define its politics.

Gold, Silver, and the Sapphire Connection

The metals and stones used in Kashmiri jewellery tell their own story.

Gold is the prestige metal. Bridal jewellery is traditionally made in gold, and gold ornaments are passed down through generations as family wealth. In Kashmiri Muslim weddings, gold is central; in Kashmiri Pandit weddings, gold and silver are both used, with silver often favoured for certain ritual pieces.

Silver is the people’s metal. It is more affordable, more widely worn, and deeply embedded in everyday Kashmiri life. Silver ornaments — bangles, anklets, earrings, and chains — are worn by women across communities, and silverwork is one of the crafts for which Kashmir is known. According to craft documentation, the silverware of Kashmir includes ornaments, household items, and decorative objects, often worked with intricate filigree and engraving.

And then there is the sapphire — the stone that made Kashmir famous in the global gem trade.

An illustrative image of a newly married couple wearing traditional Kashmiri jewellery in a boat, representing the valley's wedding traditions.
An illustrative image of a newly married couple wearing traditional Kashmiri jewellery in a boat, representing the valley’s wedding traditions.

The connection between Kashmiri jewellery and the Kashmir blue sapphire is not incidental. The sapphires mined in the Zanskar range in the 1880s were among the finest ever found, and they entered the jewellery trade through the markets of Srinagar and beyond. According to India’s Press Information Bureau, Kashmiri jewellery incorporates precious and semi-precious stones including sapphire, emerald, and agate, and sapphire, agate, and lapis lazuli are among the gemstones found in Jammu and Kashmir.

This is the link that connects the two stories: the Kashmir blue sapphire — exhausted within five years of discovery, now among the rarest gemstones on Earth — was once set into the jewellery of the valley. The stones that remain in museums and auction houses are the survivors of a trade that began in the mountains and passed through the hands of Kashmiri craftsmen.

Designs Rooted in Nature: Almonds, Chinar Leaves, and Birds

The visual language of Kashmiri jewellery is unmistakable. It is a language of nature — of the things that grow and live in the valley.

The almond (badam) is one of the most common motifs. It appears in earrings, pendants, and chains, often stylised into a teardrop or leaf shape. The almond is a Kashmir staple — it grows in the valley, it is eaten, and it is used in traditional medicine — and its image in jewellery is a way of carrying the valley’s abundance on the body.

The chinar leaf is another signature motif. The chinar tree is iconic in Kashmir, and its broad, multi-pointed leaf appears in jewellery as a symbol of the region itself. Chinar-leaf pendants and earrings are among the most recognisable Kashmiri designs.

Birds — particularly the myna and the bulbul — are also common. They appear in earrings and brooches, often in flight or perched on a branch. The bird motif connects Kashmiri jewellery to a wider Persian and Mughal tradition, where birds are symbols of freedom and beauty.

These motifs are not merely decorative. They are a form of cultural memory — a way of encoding the valley’s landscape into objects that can be carried across borders and generations. For Kashmiri women living in the diaspora, a chinar-leaf pendant or a badam-shaped earring is a piece of home.

The Changing Craft: Local Artisans and Outside Influences

The craft of Kashmiri jewellery has always been shaped by the people who make it — and those people are changing.

Historically, the jewellery trade was dominated by local artisan families, many of them Muslim, who worked in the old city of Srinagar and in towns across the valley. These artisans were known for their skill in filigree, engraving, and stone-setting. Their work was sold in local markets and to visiting traders, and it formed part of the valley’s cultural economy.

In recent decades, however, the craft has faced pressure. Migration, conflict, and economic disruption have reduced the number of working artisans. According to craft documentation, many traditional goldsmiths have left the valley, and artisans from outside — particularly from Maharashtra and Bengal — have moved in to fill the gap. Silverware, however, remains largely a local craft, with Kashmiri artisans continuing to dominate the silver trade.

This shift has consequences. When outside artisans take over, the designs can change — sometimes subtly, sometimes significantly. The risk is that the distinctive Kashmiri vocabulary of almonds, chinar leaves, and birds is diluted or replaced by more generic forms. The counter-risk is that the craft becomes frozen, unable to adapt to new markets and new tastes.

The artisans themselves are aware of this tension. Many speak of the need to preserve traditional designs while also finding new ways to sell their work — online, to diaspora customers, and to international buyers. The future of Kashmiri jewellery, they say, depends on whether the craft can remain rooted in the valley while also reaching beyond it.

Why Kashmiri Jewellery Matters

Kashmiri jewellery is more than an aesthetic tradition. It is a form of historical record.

The Dejihor and the Taj carry the memory of Kashmiri Pandit life before displacement. The Halqaband and the Jhumka carry the memory of Kashmiri Muslim bridal traditions. The almond and chinar motifs carry the memory of the valley’s landscape. The sapphires carry the memory of a resource that was extracted and exported, leaving the communities around the mines among the poorest in the region.

And the craft itself — the handwork, the skill, the patience — carries the memory of a time when Kashmir was known not only for conflict but for beauty. That memory is not political in the narrow sense. It is cultural, and it belongs to everyone who claims Kashmir as home.

For the international reader, Kashmiri jewellery offers a way into the region that is not framed by headlines. It is a reminder that Kashmir has a culture that predates the dispute, and that this culture is still alive — in workshops, in weddings, in the hands of artisans who have not stopped working.

For the Kashmiri reader, it is a reminder of what is at stake. The craft is not guaranteed to survive. It depends on customers, on artisans, on the willingness of the diaspora to keep buying and wearing and passing down. Every Dejihor that is worn, every chinar-leaf pendant that is sold, is a small act of cultural preservation.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is Kashmiri jewellery?
Kashmiri jewellery refers to traditional ornaments made in the Kashmir Valley and surrounding regions, characterised by nature-inspired motifs (almond, chinar leaf, birds) and the use of gold, silver, and gemstones including sapphire.

What is the Dejihor?
The Dejihor is a long, dangling ear ornament worn by Kashmiri Pandit women, traditionally as a symbol of marriage and identity. It is one of the most recognisable pieces of Kashmiri jewellery.

What is the Taj in Kashmiri jewellery?
The Taj is a bridal crown, typically made of silver or gold, worn by Kashmiri Pandit brides during weddings. It is pointed and ornate and forms part of the traditional bridal ensemble.

Do Kashmiri jewellers use sapphires?
Yes. Kashmiri jewellery incorporates precious and semi-precious stones including sapphire, emerald, and agate. The Kashmir blue sapphire, mined in the Zanskar range in the 1880s, is among the rarest gemstones in the world and was historically set into Kashmiri jewellery.

Are Kashmiri Pandit and Kashmiri Muslim jewellery different?
They share motifs and materials but differ in specific pieces. The Dejihor and Taj are central to Kashmiri Pandit bridal jewellery; the Halqaband and Jhumka are common in Kashmiri Muslim bridal jewellery. Both traditions use gold, silver, and gemstones.

Conclusion: A Craft That Carries the Valley

Kashmiri jewellery is a living archive. It carries the valley’s landscape, its communities, its gemstones, and its history. It is made by hand, in workshops that have survived empires, and it is worn by women who carry it across borders and generations.

The sapphires are gone from the mountains, but they remain in the jewellery. The Pandits are dispersed, but the Dejihor remains. The artisans are fewer, but the craft continues. And the almond, the chinar leaf, and the bird — the symbols of the valley — are still being shaped into gold and silver, in the old city of Srinagar and in workshops across the region.

For anyone who wants to understand Kashmir beyond the headlines, Kashmiri jewellery is a place to begin. It is beautiful, it is complex, and it is still being made — by hands that remember. 

Kashmir Blue Sapphires: The Rarest Gemstone at the Heart of a Disputed Land

Saba Anjum
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Kashmir Blue Sapphires: The Rarest Gemstone at the Heart of a Disputed Land

MUZAFFARABAD, Pakistan-administered Kashmir — High in the Zanskar range of the Himalayas, where the air is thin and the glaciers never fully retreat, there is a valley that has produced one of the most coveted stones on Earth. It is not gold, not silver, not even the famous Kashmiri pashmina. It is a gemstone so rare that the finest examples now exist almost entirely in museums, private collections, and auction houses and so storied that its name alone commands a premium no other sapphire can match.

The Kashmir blue sapphire is widely regarded by gemologists, auction houses, and collectors as the finest blue sapphire ever found. Its colour is described in the trade as a “cornflower blue” or “velvet blue” — a hue with a soft, sleepy quality that has never been successfully replicated in any other origin. And yet, the mines that produced it were exhausted within a few decades of their discovery. Today, a single certified Kashmir sapphire of significant size can sell for more than a comparable diamond, and the story of how it came to be is inseparable from the story of the land itself.

This is the story of the Kashmir blue sapphire — its geology, its history, its market, and why it remains one of the most politically and culturally charged gemstones in the world.

What Makes a Kashmir Sapphire Different?

To understand why Kashmir sapphires are so valued, one must first understand what a sapphire is. Sapphire is a variety of the mineral corundum, and its blue colour comes from trace amounts of iron and titanium. Sapphires are found in many countries — Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Madagascar, Australia, Thailand, and the United States — but the geological conditions that produce the finest blue are extraordinarily rare.

The Kashmir deposit was formed in a specific geological environment: high-altitude metamorphic rocks that had undergone intense heat and pressure. According to gemological research, the sapphires crystallised in marble-hosted deposits at altitudes above 4,500 metres, in conditions that gave them a unique trace-element signature. The result is a stone with a subtle, velvety blue that gemologists describe as “sleepy” — a soft internal glow rather than a sharp, glassy brilliance.

The trade term for this quality is “cornflower blue,” and it is the benchmark against which all other blue sapphires are judged. The Gemological Institute of America (GIA) and other laboratories use Kashmir sapphires as the reference standard for the finest blue. No other origin has ever matched it consistently, and this is why the name “Kashmir” carries such weight in the gem trade.

The Discovery: A Landslide, a Shepherd, and a Legend

The origin story of the Kashmir sapphire is part legend, part documented history. The most widely accepted account places the discovery in the late 1870s or early 1880s, in the remote valley of Sumjam, in the Kudi Valley of the Zanskar range, in what is now the Kargil district of Indian-administered Kashmir.

The remote Kudi Valley in the Zanskar range, Indian-administered Kashmir, where the original Kashmir sapphire deposit was discovered.
The remote Kudi Valley in the Zanskar range, Indian-administered Kashmir, where the original Kashmir sapphire deposit was discovered.

According to the story, a landslide exposed a vein of blue crystals on a mountainside. Local shepherds and villagers are said to have noticed the stones and brought them to the attention of the authorities. The Maharaja of Kashmir, Ranbir Singh, is said to have sent a team to investigate, and by the 1880s, the deposit had been formally claimed by the state.

The historical record is thinner than the legend, but what is documented is that the Kashmir sapphire mines were worked intensively from the 1880s until roughly the 1920s. The mining was primitive — hand tools, picks, and baskets — and the workers laboured at extreme altitude in harsh conditions. The deposit was worked in a series of pits and tunnels, and the finest stones were reportedly found in the first years of mining.

By the 1930s, the mines were largely exhausted. The exact date of closure is debated, but by the mid-twentieth century, the Kashmir sapphire had become a historical rarity. No significant new production has come from the original deposit in nearly a century.

Why Kashmir Sapphires Are So Rare

The rarity of the Kashmir sapphire is not a marketing invention. It is a geological and historical fact.

First, the deposit itself was small. Unlike the vast sapphire fields of Sri Lanka or Madagascar, the Kashmir occurrence was a localized vein in a remote mountain. The total volume of gem-quality material was limited from the start.

Second, the mining period was short. The mines were worked for only a few decades, and the technology of the time could not extract stones from deep or difficult rock. When the easy material was gone, the operation ceased.

A certified Kashmir blue sapphire showing the velvety cornflower blue colour that defines the origin.
A certified Kashmir blue sapphire showing the velvety cornflower blue colour that defines the origin.

Third, the stones themselves are rare. Even within the Kashmir deposit, only a small fraction of the material was of gem quality. Most of the corundum was opaque, cracked, or too pale to be valuable. The finest stones — the velvety, cornflower-blue crystals — were a tiny percentage of the total yield.

Fourth, time has scattered the supply. The stones that were mined in the 1880s and 1890s have been dispersed through auctions, private sales, and inheritance for more than a century. Many are now in museums, including the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., and the American Museum of Natural History in New York. Others are in the treasuries of royal families and in the vaults of long-term collectors.

The result is a market where supply is essentially fixed. No new Kashmir sapphires are being mined in any meaningful quantity. The stones that exist are all that will ever exist. This is the definition of a finite resource, and it is why prices have risen steadily for decades.

The Market: Auctions, Prices, and the “Kashmir Premium”

In the international gem trade, the word “Kashmir” on a laboratory certificate is worth a significant premium. Auction houses such as Sotheby’s and Christie’s regularly feature Kashmir sapphires as headline lots, and the results are often record-breaking.

Truck carrying gemstone-bearing rocks from Neelum Valley, Pakistan-administered Kashmir, 2021.
Truck carrying gemstone-bearing rocks from Neelum Valley, Pakistan-administered Kashmir, 2021.

In 2015, a 27.68-carat Kashmir sapphire ring sold at Sotheby’s for approximately $6.7 million, setting a record at the time. In 2018, a 10.88-carat Kashmir sapphire sold for over $1.5 million. These prices are not anomalies; they reflect a consistent pattern. Kashmir sapphires routinely sell for two to five times the price of comparable sapphires from other origins.

A truck loaded with rough gemstone-bearing rocks from Neelum Valley, Pakistan-administered Kashmir, being transported toward Pakistan in 2021. The image, sourced from Khadim-e-Ala Muzaffarabad's Facebook page, shows large stones stacked on the truck bed.
A truck loaded with rough gemstone-bearing rocks from Neelum Valley, Pakistan-administered Kashmir, being transported toward Pakistan in 2021. The image, sourced from Khadim-e-Ala Muzaffarabad’s Facebook page, shows large stones stacked on the truck bed.

The premium is driven by three factors: rarity, provenance, and the intangible quality of the colour. A Kashmir sapphire is not just a blue stone; it is a piece of history. It comes from a place that no longer produces, from a time that has passed, and from a deposit that has become legendary. In the world of coloured gemstones, this combination is unmatched.

It is important to note that the market for Kashmir sapphires is not without controversy. The gem trade has long struggled with issues of provenance, certification, and the potential for misrepresentation. A stone labeled “Kashmir” must be certified by a reputable laboratory, and even then, the identification is based on trace-element analysis and inclusions rather than a definitive geographic marker. Buyers are advised to deal only with reputable dealers and to insist on certification from laboratories such as the GIA, SSEF, or Gübelin.

The Political Dimension: A Gemstone in a Disputed Land

The Kashmir sapphire cannot be separated from the political reality of the region. The original deposit lies in the Kargil district of Indian-administered Kashmir, near the Line of Control that divides the region between India and Pakistan. The area is militarised, remote, and subject to restrictions on movement and access.

This has several implications. First, the mines are not accessible to independent researchers or journalists. The geological record is based on historical accounts and on the stones themselves, not on modern field studies. Second, the political status of the region means that the ownership and control of the deposit is a sensitive issue. India claims the entire region of Jammu and Kashmir as its territory, while Pakistan claims it as a disputed territory pending a UN-mandated plebiscite. The sapphire deposit is therefore located in a zone of unresolved sovereignty.

For the people of Kashmir, the sapphire is a symbol of both pride and loss. It is a reminder of the region’s natural wealth and of the fact that this wealth has historically been extracted and exported rather than used for local development. The mines that produced the world’s finest sapphires are now largely abandoned, and the communities around them remain among the poorest in the region.

This is a familiar pattern in resource-rich conflict zones: the most valuable exports often benefit the least from their extraction. The Kashmir sapphire is a case study in this dynamic, and any serious discussion of the gemstone must acknowledge it.

How to Identify a Kashmir Sapphire

For collectors and buyers, the identification of a Kashmir sapphire is a specialised process. It is not possible to determine origin by eye alone, and even experienced gemologists rely on laboratory analysis.

The key diagnostic features of Kashmir sapphires include:

Colour: The velvety, cornflower blue with a soft, “sleepy” appearance. The colour is often described as having a slight violet or milky quality, which distinguishes it from the sharper blues of Sri Lankan or Madagascar stones.

Inclusions: Kashmir sapphires often contain fine, rutile silk inclusions that create a soft, scattered light effect. These inclusions are sometimes described as “honeycomb” or “cross-hatch” patterns, and they are a signature of the origin.

Trace elements: Laboratory analysis of trace elements, particularly iron and titanium ratios, can help distinguish Kashmir stones from those of other origins. However, no single test is definitive, and laboratories use a combination of methods.

Certification: The only reliable way to confirm a Kashmir origin is a certificate from a reputable gemological laboratory. The GIA, SSEF (Swiss Gemmological Institute), and Gübelin are among the most respected authorities. Buyers should be wary of any stone sold as “Kashmir” without certification.

It is also worth noting that the term “Kashmir sapphire” is sometimes used loosely in the trade to describe any fine blue sapphire, regardless of origin. This is a misrepresentation, and buyers should insist on laboratory confirmation.

The Cultural and Historical Legacy

Beyond the market and the politics, the Kashmir sapphire has a cultural dimension that is often overlooked. It is a part of the region’s heritage, a product of its geology, and a symbol of its place in the world.

The stones that were mined in the late nineteenth century were shaped by local craftsmen and traded through the markets of Srinagar and beyond. Some were set into jewellery for the Maharaja’s court; others were sold to European and American buyers who were captivated by their colour. The sapphire became a part of the region’s identity, a luxury good that carried the name of Kashmir to the world.

Today, the sapphire is a reminder of what Kashmir was and what it could be. It is a natural resource of extraordinary value, and its story is a lesson in the relationship between geology, history, and politics. For the people of Kashmir, it is a symbol of the region’s beauty and its resilience. For the world, it is a benchmark of quality that has never been surpassed.

Frequently Asked Questions

Are Kashmir sapphires still mined today?
No. The original deposit in the Kudi Valley has been largely exhausted since the 1920s. No significant new production has been reported in nearly a century. Any “new” Kashmir sapphire on the market is almost certainly a misrepresentation or a stone from another origin.

Why are Kashmir sapphires so expensive?
Rarity, provenance, and colour. The supply is fixed, the mines are exhausted, and the colour is considered the finest in the world. These factors combine to create a premium that no other sapphire origin can match.

How can I tell if a sapphire is from Kashmir?
Only a reputable gemological laboratory can confirm origin. The GIA, SSEF, and Gübelin are among the most trusted authorities. Buyers should insist on certification and deal only with reputable dealers.

Are Kashmir sapphires found in Pakistan-administered Kashmir?
The original deposit is in the Kargil district of Indian-administered Kashmir. There are reports of sapphire occurrences in other parts of the region, but no significant production has been documented in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. The term “Kashmir sapphire” in the trade refers specifically to the historical deposit in the Kudi Valley.

What is the largest Kashmir sapphire ever found?
The largest known fine-quality Kashmir sapphires are in the range of 20 to 30 carats. Stones of this size are extremely rare and are typically held in museums or private collections. Smaller stones of one to five carats are more common, though still scarce.

Conclusion: A Stone That Outlasts Its Land

The Kashmir blue sapphire is more than a gemstone. It is a geological anomaly, a historical artifact, and a political symbol. It comes from a place that no longer produces, from a time that has passed, and from a deposit that has become legendary.

For collectors, it is the ultimate blue. For Kashmiris, it is a reminder of the region’s natural wealth and its unresolved future. For the world, it is a benchmark of beauty that has never been matched.

The mines are silent now. The valleys are militarised. The stones are scattered across the world. But the Kashmir sapphire remains what it has always been: a piece of the Himalayas, carrying the name of a disputed land into the vaults of the world’s most exclusive collections.

And in that sense, it is a perfect symbol of Kashmir itself — beautiful, rare, and forever contested.

Guide for Readers and Researchers:

If you are researching Kashmir sapphires for academic or journalistic purposes, begin with gemological laboratory archives (GIA, SSEF, Gübelin) for technical data on origin dtermination. For historical context, consult auction house catalogues (Sotheby’s, Christie’s) and the records of the Maharaja of Kashmir. For the political dimension, refer to UN Security Council resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir and to the reports of human rights organisations working in the region. The sapphire is a lens through which the larger story of Kashmir can be understood — but it is not a substitute for that story.

Beyond the Anthem: How the “Kashmir Song” Became the Region’s Most Enduring Weapon of Memory

The Azadi Times
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Beyond the Anthem: How the “Kashmir Song” Became the Region’s Most Enduring Weapon of Memory

SRINAGAR, Indian-administered Kashmir — There is a sound that travels across the Line of Control (LoC) faster than any political statement, deeper than any diplomatic cable, and with a resonance that no government whether in New Delhi or Islamabad has ever managed to fully control. It is the sound of the “Kashmir song.”

For decades, the phrase has meant different things to different audiences. To a Pakistani listener, it may evoke the martial anthems released by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) on Kashmir Solidarity Day, with lyrics declaring “Kashmir Hai Pakistan”. To a Kashmiri living in the Valley, it may be the haunting refrain of a Rouf song sung at a wedding, or the defiant verses of a rapper like MC Kash, whose music emerged from the rubble of 2010 . To an international observer, it might be the unexpected sight of Led Zeppelin’s nine-minute epic “Kashmir” a song written by a British rock band about a desert journey becoming an unlikely soundtrack to a separatist movement .

This is the paradox of the Kashmir song: it is simultaneously a tool of state narrative, a vessel of folk memory, and a weapon of cultural resistance. And understanding why it matters requires looking beyond any single track, any single government’s propaganda, and into the deeper mechanics of how music functions in a conflict that has outlasted generations.

The State’s Song: Anthems of Solidarity and Their Limits

Each February 5, on Kashmir Solidarity Day, Pakistan’s military media wing releases a song. In 2026, the ISPR released “Kashmir Hai Pakistan,” described as embodying “the unshakable truth that Kashmir is the jugular vein of Pakistan” and paying tribute to the “unparalleled sacrifices” of Kashmiris . Similar releases have marked Youm-e-Istehsal and Black Day, with titles like “Azadi” and “In the World of Humans,” all carrying the same core message: Pakistan stands with the Kashmiri people against Indian oppression.

These productions are polished. They are emotional. They are also, by design, instruments of state policy. They frame the Kashmiri struggle in a specific vocabulary one that emphasizes sacrifice, solidarity, and the eventual arrival of freedom while carefully avoiding any ambiguity about where Pakistan stands.

But here is what the state anthems rarely achieve: they do not become the songs that Kashmiris sing to themselves in the dark. They are broadcast, shared, and then, often, set aside. The ISPR song exists in a media ecosystem where its primary audience is already convinced. It preaches to the converted, and in doing so, it reveals the limits of top-down cultural production in a conflict defined by lived experience rather than slogans.

The more interesting question is not what Pakistan produces for Kashmir, but what Kashmir produces for itself.

The Folk Root: Rouf, Chakri, and the Memory That Refuses to Die

Long before the dispute became a matter of UN resolutions and nuclear-armed neighbors, the Kashmir Valley had its own musical grammar. The Rouf — a dance-song performed by women, arms interlinked, moving in rhythmic lines at weddings and Eid celebrations — is perhaps the purest expression of this heritage . The Chakri, a responsorial song form performed with the harmonium, rubab, and sarangi, carried stories of Yusuf-Zulaikha and Laila-Majnun across generations.

These forms were never explicitly political. They did not need to be. In a region where political expression has been repeatedly constrained, the preservation of folk music became its own quiet act of defiance. To sing a Kashmiri Rouf song is to insist that there is a culture here that predates the border, the barbed wire, and the bunkers.

This is why the folk tradition matters for anyone trying to understand the “Kashmir song” as a category. The resistance song did not emerge from nowhere. It grew from a soil already saturated with melody. When a young Kashmiri in 2010 picked up a microphone to rap about the stones and the gunshots, he was not inventing a new language. He was translating an old one.

The Rupture: When Music Became a Weapon

The turning point came in the second decade of the twenty-first century. As the Taylor & Francis study on “Languages of resistance in Kashmir” notes, the uprising that followed the death of Burhan Wani in July 2016 represented a transformation in which “armed rebels” were replaced by “civilians throwing stones” and culture became the primary battlefield.

MC Kash, a rapper from the Valley, became the emblem of this shift. His music was in English, Urdu, and Kashmiri a hybrid language for a hybrid conflict. The study notes that when he burst onto the scene, “a two-decade-long war had pushed Kashmir into a cultural hiatus” . The protest songs that existed before were largely in Kashmiri or Urdu, limiting their reach to the Valley itself. MC Kash broke that ceiling.

But the most revealing moment in this cultural shift came from an unexpected direction: Pakistan.

The Songs of the Freedom Movement

Ask a Kashmiri which song belongs to the freedom movement and you will not get one answer. You will get a lineage. The anthems released from Islamabad are heard, discussed, and then filed away. The songs that stay — the ones sung at protests, in prison courtyards, at funerals, and at rallies — are the ones that belong to the movement itself. And within that archive, a few tracks and slogans carry a weight that no state production can match.

JKLF and the slogan that became a song

The Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front never needed a studio. Its most enduring “song” is a chant: “Hum kya chahte, Azadi” — what do we want, freedom. It was born in the streets of Srinagar in the early 1990s and became the ideological signature of the JKLF’s secular, pro-independence current. It is not a composed track — it is rhythm and repetition — but that is precisely why it has outlasted almost everything produced with a budget.

Asif Hashmi and the anthem of breaking chains

But the JKLF’s musical footprint is not limited to slogans. Asif Hashmi, a singer from Bagh district in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, released “Zanjeer Tootnay Ki Awaz AA Rahi Ha” — “the sound of chains breaking is coming” — through the Kashmir National Band. The song, uploaded in 2016, has drawn over 120,000 views on YouTube, and it carries the unmistakable cadence of a movement anthem: simple, repetitive, and built for a crowd to sing along. Hashmi is ideologically affiliated with the JKLF, and his music has been described as “politically charged anthems advocating for the rights and autonomy of the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

What makes Hashmi’s story matter for this archive is what happened to him. In June 2025, he was reported missing from Rawalpindi after warning his followers of potential abduction . His wife issued separate statements expressing fear for his safety. Human rights defenders described it as a possible case of enforced disappearance, with one associate saying: “If there are any legal allegations against Asif Hashmi, he should be brought before a court of law, not disappeared in this manner” .-1

This is the other side of the Kashmir song: the singers themselves are not protected by the anthem. Hashmi’s music outlived his visibility. The song continues to circulate online while the man who sang it remains unaccounted for. For Azadi supporters, this is not an abstract irony. It is the price of the archive.

The revolutionary verse that crossed the Line of Control

One of the most striking musical developments in recent years came from Pakistan-administered Kashmir, where protesters adopted “Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna” — the poem written by Bismil Azimabadi and popularised by Ram Prasad Bismil during India’s anti-colonial struggle. During the 2026 protests in PoK, videos showed women and children chanting the verse alongside “Inquilab Zindabad.” The choice is remarkable: a poem born in the Indian freedom movement, now sung in the Kashmir movement, against a state that claims the same anti-colonial legacy.

Zanaan Wanaan and the female voice of dissent

The feminist collective Zanaan Wanaan — Kashmiri for “Women Speak” — emerged in February 2020, during the communication blackout that followed the revocation of Article 370. Academic research published by Taylor & Francis treats their body of work as a “dissent anthology” that produces anticolonial knowledge outside hegemonic cultural production. In practice, these songs do something the state anthems cannot: they make grief specific. They name the half-widow, the disappeared, the mother at the checkpoint.

MC Kash and the rap that broke the silence

MC Kash — Roushan Illahi — released “I Protest” in 2010, during the uprising that followed that summer’s killings. The song named sixty-five civilians and protesters who had been killed up to the day he wrote it. It was recorded in English, Urdu, and Kashmiri, and it became an immediate hit inside the Valley and outside it. The studio where it was recorded was raided by police after its release. For young Azadi supporters, these tracks function as a parallel news service — they carry dates, names, and grievances that do not appear in official statements.

A note on the archive

The songs that matter in the movement today are the ones sung at funerals, at anniversaries, and in the courtyards of Budgam. They do not need a budget. They need only a crowd willing to remember — and sometimes, they need a singer willing to disappear for them.

Updated Song List (Sidebar / “Key Tracks” Box)

Song / SloganAssociated WithWhy It Matters
“Hum kya chahte, Azadi”JKLF / separatist movementThe foundational chant of the 1990s; no studio required
“Zanjeer Tootnay Ki Awaz AA Rahi Ha” — Asif HashmiJKLF-aligned singer, Kashmir National BandMovement anthem; singer reported missing from Rawalpindi in 2025 -1
“Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna”PoK protests (2026)Indian freedom poem repurposed against Pakistani administration
“I Protest” — MC Kash2010 uprisingNamed 65 martyrs; studio raided by police
Zanaan Wanaan dissent anthologyFeminist collective, post-2019Women’s voices outside hegemonic production

The Anthem That Divided Its Own Audience

In November 2016, a song was released in Pakistan that described “atrocities” in Indian-administered Kashmir. It was dedicated to Burhan Wani. It featured Pakistani rock stars — Ali Azmat, Umair Jaswal, Alycia Dias — and was produced by Omar Ahsan. It blended rock balladry with Sufi music, designed explicitly to reach “the younger generation who connect with new music”.

The BBC reported that within 48 hours, the anthem received more than 20,000 views and 1,000 shares. Pakistani media covered it extensively. But the story the BBC told was not simply one of a successful propaganda release. It was a story about the cost of taking a position.

Several Pakistani artists refused to sing on the track, fearing backlash from Indian fans. Umair Jaswal, one of those who did participate, claimed he lost at least 10,000 Facebook followers “from across the border” after posting about the song. He insisted the anthem was “not anti-Indian in its content,” telling a Pakistani newspaper: “We have a humanitarian issue going on in Kashmir. It’s time we put the focus back on Kashmir”.

This is the dilemma of the Kashmir song as a commercial and artistic product. It cannot escape the political gravity of its subject. To sing about Kashmir is to take a side, whether one intends to or not. And in a globalized music market where Indian audiences represent a massive demographic, the calculus is never simple.

What the BBC’s reporting reveals is something more nuanced than a tale of patriotic triumph. It shows that even within Pakistan, the Kashmir song is contested territory — a space where artists must weigh conviction against career, and where the line between solidarity and spectacle is never entirely clear.

The Unexpected: Led Zeppelin in the Valley

Perhaps the strangest chapter in the story of the Kashmir song involves a British rock band that had never set foot in the region.

In 2013, Public Radio International’s “The World” reported a curious phenomenon: a song by Chris de Burgh, the Irish singer best known for “The Lady in Red,” had become an unlikely hit among separatists in Kashmir. The song was used in a video and posted online, helping to raise awareness of violence in the region.

But the deeper oddity is Led Zeppelin’s “Kashmir,” a 1975 epic that Robert Plant has described as evoking a desert landscape rather than the Himalayan valley. The song has been covered hundreds of times, from Jeff Buckley to a Gregorian chant version . It has no political content whatsoever. And yet, in the global imagination, the title alone has made it a kind of accidental ambassador for a place most listeners will never visit.

This is the final layer of the Kashmir song phenomenon: the way the word itself — “Kashmir” — has become a signifier that transcends its creators’ intentions. A rock band from England writes a song about a mystical journey. Decades later, that song becomes a search result that sits alongside ISPR anthems and Kashmiri folk recordings. The algorithm does not distinguish between them. The listener must.

Why the Song Outlasts the Statement

The ISPR will release another song next year. It will be polished, emotional, and quickly consumed. The folk singers of the Valley will continue to perform Rouf at weddings, their voices carrying across courtyards and into the night. A young rapper somewhere in Srinagar or Sopore will write verses that no government has approved. And somewhere, someone will listen to Led Zeppelin and wonder what Kashmir actually sounds like.

The Kashmir song is not one thing. It is a contested archive — a record of state ambition, cultural survival, commercial calculation, and accidental resonance. The songs that will matter in the long run are not necessarily the ones with the highest production budgets or the most explicit political messages. They are the ones that Kashmiris themselves choose to sing when no one is watching.

For an international audience trying to understand this region beyond the headlines, the music offers something that no diplomatic statement can: a glimpse of what it feels like to live inside a dispute that has no end. The anthem tells you what a government wants you to believe. The folk song tells you what a people refuse to forget.

And the fact that both can be called “the Kashmir song” is precisely the point.

Hidayat / Guide for Readers and Researchers:

If you are approaching the “Kashmir song” for the first time, begin with the folk traditions — Rouf, Chakri, and the Sufiana Kalam repertoire — to understand the cultural foundation. Then move to the protest music of the 2010s, particularly the work of MC Kash and the feminist collective Zanaan Wanaan, which the Taylor & Francis study examines as forms of “anticipatory knowledge” produced outside hegemonic structures . Finally, examine the state-produced anthems not as music but as policy documents in sonic form. The contrast will tell you more about the region than any single source could.

Aga Ruhullah Mehdi Quits Indian Parliament and National Conference: What His Resignation Means for Indian-Administered Kashmir

Noreen Haider
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Aga Ruhullah Mehdi Quits Indian Parliament and National Conference: What His Resignation Means for Indian-Administered Kashmir

SRINAGAR, Indian-administered Kashmir — In the turbulent political landscape of the disputed Himalayan region, a rare phenomenon has captured the attention of both analysts and the general public: a politician who chose the people over the perks of power. Agha Ruhullah, a figure now synonymous with a quiet but profound defiance, has become the subject of intense discussion across both sides of the Line of Control (LoC).

According to reports emerging from regional monitors and local correspondents, Agha Ruhullah has resigned from his legislative position a move that has sent ripples through the political establishment.

The core of this development, as confirmed by sources monitoring the region, is that Agha Ruhullah has stepped down from his seat. While the specific bureaucratic details of the resignation remain a matter of debate between the administrations in Islamabad and New Delhi, the symbolic weight is undeniable.

In a political culture often criticized for dynasty, opportunism, and the pursuit of power for its own sake, Agha Ruhullah’s decision to vacate his position has been interpreted by many as a deliberate rupture from the status quo.

A Surge of Grassroots Support

What makes this development particularly significant is the reception it has received from the public, specifically regarding the support for Agha Syed Ruhullah Mehdi. Reports indicate that following the resignation, a surge of grassroots support has coalesced around him.

A large crowd of supporters raises banners and placards backing Agha Ruhullah Mehdi during the rally at Bahisht-e-Zehra Park, Budgam.
A large crowd of supporters raises banners and placards backing Agha Ruhullah Mehdi during the rally at Bahisht-e-Zehra Park, Budgam.

This is not merely a show of sympathy; it represents a profound hunger for authentic representation.

For decades, the political narrative in Kashmir has been dominated by parties and individuals who, critics argue, have been co-opted by the administrative machinery of either Pakistan or India. Agha Ruhullah’s action has positioned him as an outlier — a figure who, according to the popular sentiment echoed in local discourse, has chosen to stand with the awam (the common people) rather than cling to the iqtadar (power).

The Resignation

Mehdi, the member of Indian parliament for Srinagar, announced his resignation from the National Conference (NC) at a rally in Bahisht-e-Zehra Park in Budgam district, on the 26th death anniversary of his father, Aga Syed Mehdi.

He also sent his resignation from the Lok Sabha to Speaker Om Birla, ending a 24-year association with the party. He signed a two-page resignation letter from the stage and hinted during an 80-minute speech that he would form a new political outfit.

The decision follows months of open conflict with the party that sent him to parliament, and it lands at a sensitive moment for the NC, which leads the elected government of Jammu and Kashmir.

The way Mehdi delivered his resignation was deliberate. He handed the document to Muhammad Ashraf Mattoo, father of 17-year-old Tufail Mattoo, who was killed in alleged police firing in 2010, when Omar Abdullah was chief minister.

Tufail’s death became a rallying point in the 2010 street unrest, and Omar Abdullah has long been asked to answer for that period. Choosing Mattoo to carry the letter to the NC was a pointed message, whatever one thinks of it.

“I am signing the document of my freedom,” Mehdi told the crowd.

Who Is Aga Ruhullah Mehdi?

Agha Ruhullah Mehdi
Agha Ruhullah Mehdi

Mehdi comes from one of central Kashmir’s most prominent religious and political families. He leads many of the region’s Shia Muslims, and his father, Aga Syed Mehdi, a cleric and politician, was killed in a blast in November 2000. He is a three-time member of the legislative assembly.

In the 2024 general election, he defeated the People’s Democratic Party’s Waheed Para by more than 188,000 votes, taking about 52.8 percent of the vote. He succeeded Farooq Abdullah as Srinagar’s MP.

That mandate is the reason his resignation matters: he did not leave a marginal seat, he walked away from a decisive win.

This is not his first break with the leadership. In July 2020, he resigned as NC chief spokesperson. The trigger was Omar Abdullah’s statement that he would not contest elections while Jammu and Kashmir remained a Union Territory.

Mehdi argued at the time that restoring statehood should be the last demand, and that restoring special status should come first. The disagreement he voiced six years ago is largely the one he is making now.

What Led to the Break

The immediate dispute is about Article 370. India revoked Article 370 and Article 35A, which gave Jammu and Kashmir special status, in August 2019. The NC campaigned in the 2024 assembly election on restoring the region’s rights, and Mehdi was one of its most visible campaigners.

In his letter to the party, he said he had initially seen the NC as the natural vehicle for the struggle that followed the 2019 decision. He alleged that the party reversed its position soon after the election, calling it a betrayal of the expectations it had raised.

He also warned that the region faces what he called an existential threat, and that political disengagement would only speed up that process.

Earlier in the year, the dispute became public. Farooq Abdullah publicly asked Mehdi to resign and seek a fresh mandate for opposing the party line. In an August letter, Mehdi replied that resignation would come, but that accountability must come first.

He asked why a mention of constitutional guarantees had become so offensive to the party president, who was chief minister when the old state assembly passed the Autonomy Resolution.

Mehdi also argued that the region’s constitutional rights cannot be traded for the narrower demand of statehood. That distinction is the core of the split. The NC government has argued for pursuing statehood through negotiation with Delhi. Mehdi argues that this concedes too much.

The NC’s Reply

The party has responded with a mix of regret and criticism. NC minister Altaf Kaloo called Mehdi a good friend and said there was still time to reconsider.

Another minister, Javed Rana, said that if Mehdi resigns, so be it, and that if he does not, he should return and work with the party. Independent lawmaker Shabir Ahmad Kullay said the resignation would be a major loss for the people of Kashmir.

The party’s official line, as reported by The Tribune, is that reclaiming what was taken away requires skilled politics rather than theatrics. In other words, the NC argues that confrontation with the central government has not worked and that slow negotiation is the only realistic route.

What He Plans to Do

Mehdi has not named a party, a manifesto or a date. He spoke of launching a “movement” in which “honest and compassionate people” would lead the effort to reclaim what, in his view, was taken from the people of Jammu and Kashmir, and said it would take shape once the right people come forward.

He also told the Centre that Kashmiris would set their own political agenda. That line is addressed as much to Delhi as to the NC, and it signals that he intends to position himself as an independent voice rather than as a leader of the opposition within the existing system.

Before resigning, he said he had commitments to complete, including the disbursement of MPLADS funds, the constituency development money available to MPs.

Where Does Self-Determination Fit In?

This is the part of the story that needs the most care. As reported so far, Mehdi’s public demand is the restoration of Article 370 and constitutional guarantees within the Indian union. He has not called for a plebiscite, independence or merger with Pakistan, and nothing in his speech or his letters, as reported, says he has.

At the same time, many Kashmiris interpret events through a wider lens. For some, the departure of a high-profile elected leader on the grounds that mainstream politics has failed fits a broader argument: that the people of the region should decide their own future, a position that has been part of Kashmiri politics for decades.

Others read his move more narrowly, as an attempt to build a new regional platform that works within India’s constitutional framework and competes for the same voters as the NC and the PDP.

Both readings can be true at once, and a responsible account should not blur them.

The official positions are long established. India says Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of the country and treats the Kashmir question as a bilateral matter with Pakistan, rejecting outside mediation. Pakistan, which administers a separate part of the region, calls for the dispute to be settled in line with UN Security Council resolutions that envisaged a plebiscite.

Neither government has commented on Mehdi’s resignation in anything reported so far.

What Happens Next

Several questions remain open.

Will the Speaker accept the resignation, and when will the Srinagar seat be contested? A by-election would test whether Mehdi’s personal support translates into votes for whatever vehicle he creates, and whether the NC can hold the seat without him.

Will the movement find a structure? Kashmir has seen leaders announce movements before, and many have faded without an organisation. Mehdi’s Shia base is significant in Budgam and parts of Srinagar, but Kashmir’s politics rarely follow sectarian lines alone, and he will need to reach beyond it.

What will it do to the NC? The party has been dealing with discontent among older members. Losing a prominent, young and popular face adds to that pressure, and it gives the PDP and other opposition groups an opening to argue that the NC has drifted from its promises.

And how will Delhi respond? The central government has so far shown no sign of reconsidering the 2019 decision, which the Supreme Court of India upheld in 2023. That legal reality limits what any new party can deliver on Article 370, and Mehdi will be asked how he intends to close that gap.

Why It Matters Beyond One Man

Whatever his next step, the resignation shows how thin the space for electoral politics has become for leaders who want to push on the question of rights and identity.

Elected representatives in Indian-administered Kashmir work within a system in which the most important decisions are taken in New Delhi. Some conclude that the only way to stay credible with voters is to leave that system. Others conclude that the only way to achieve anything is to stay inside it.

Mehdi has made his choice. Whether it turns out to be a turning point or a footnote depends on what he builds, and on how many of the people who filled that park in Budgam are still with him when the cheering stops.

UK Parliament Raises Concerns Over AJK Unrest as Imran Hussain Calls for End to Violence

The Azadi Times
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UK Parliament Raises Concerns Over AJK Unrest as Imran Hussain Calls for End to Violence

LONDON — The Azadi Times | The situation in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) has continued to draw attention in the British Parliament, with lawmakers raising concerns over reported deaths, detentions and restrictions on communications during recent unrest.

The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Kashmir (APPG Kashmir), chaired by Bradford East MP Imran Hussain, has continued its engagement with the UK government and human rights representatives over developments in the region.

A briefing meeting involving government representatives and human rights experts was also reported to have addressed the situation in AJK, including calls for an end to violence, restoration of communication services, access to essential supplies and the resumption of dialogue between the concerned parties.

Imran Hussain Says Kashmiri Concerns Will Continue to Be Raised

Imran Hussain, Chair of the APPG on Kashmir and Member of Parliament for Bradford East, has repeatedly raised concerns about the situation in AJK in parliamentary discussions and engagements with government ministers.

He has called for an end to violence, the restoration of communication links, uninterrupted access to food and medical supplies, and renewed peaceful negotiations.

During a parliamentary debate on July 7, Hussain highlighted reports of civilian deaths, arbitrary arrests, communication restrictions and difficulties in the movement of essential supplies. He also called for dialogue involving the Government of Pakistan, the AJK government and the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC).

He stressed that a peaceful resolution would require engagement and flexibility from all parties.

UK Government Confirms It Is Monitoring the Situation

The UK government has also addressed the developments through parliamentary proceedings.

In a written response dated October 26, 2026, Foreign Office Minister Stephen Doughty said the government remained concerned about developments in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, including reports of loss of life, detentions during recent protests and restrictions on communications.

Doughty confirmed that he had discussed the situation with the Government of Pakistan during his visit to Islamabad on October 6, including with Law, Justice and Human Rights Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar.

He said the UK continued to monitor the situation and encouraged states to uphold their human rights obligations, including freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, while promoting dialogue.

Kashmiri Diaspora Holds Demonstration in Bradford

The situation in AJK has also prompted demonstrations among the Kashmiri diaspora in the United Kingdom.

On November 1, Kashmiris and human rights supporters gathered in Bradford for a demonstration expressing solidarity with people in AJK.

Participants travelled from different parts of the UK and raised concerns over the ongoing situation, including reported violence, restrictions on civil liberties and the continued Rawalakot sit-in.

The demonstration formed part of wider diaspora efforts to bring developments in AJK to the attention of British political representatives and the international community.

Calls for Dialogue and Protection of Civilian Rights

The parliamentary discussions and diaspora demonstrations reflect continuing calls for attention to the situation in AJK.

Key demands raised by parliamentarians and campaigners include an end to violence, restoration of communication services, access to food and medicines, protection of fundamental rights and the release of people held without lawful justification.

The UK government has stated that it is monitoring developments and has raised human rights concerns directly with Pakistani authorities.

For the Kashmiri diaspora, the situation remains a matter of concern, with calls for a peaceful political process that addresses the grievances of the population and safeguards fundamental rights.

The Azadi Times will continue to follow parliamentary developments, official responses and reactions from the Kashmiri community as further information becomes available.

UN Raises Alarm Over AJK Protests, JKJAAC Ban and 205 Individuals Facing Restrictions

The Azadi Times
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UN Raises Alarm Over AJK Protests, JKJAAC Ban and 205 Individuals Facing Restrictions

GENEVA: Six United Nations human rights experts have expressed serious concern over the designation of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) as a terrorist organisation, alleged use of excessive force against protesters, deaths during demonstrations, arrests and reported human rights violations. The experts have formally sent a communication to the Government of Pakistan seeking clarification on these developments.

The communication, dated September 4, 2026, carries reference number AL PAK 4/2026 and raises eight key questions concerning the situation in AJK, the ban imposed on the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee and incidents reported during protest demonstrations.

The communication was signed by six UN Special Mandate Holders working on issues including human rights in counter-terrorism operations, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial killings, freedom of expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and the protection of human rights defenders.

According to information cited in the communication, the decision to designate the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2014, raises concerns about its compatibility with international human rights standards. The experts also expressed concern that the committee may have been targeted in response to its political, labour-related and human rights activities.

Questions Raised Over the Ban on the Joint Awami Action Committee

According to the communication, on June 5, 2026, the AJK Home Department included the Joint Awami Action Committee in the First Schedule of the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2014, effectively declaring it a proscribed organisation.

Authorities reportedly accused the committee of involvement in terrorism, creating disorder, spreading fear among the public and undermining public security.

However, the UN experts questioned the legal and factual basis of the decision, pointing out that representatives of the AJK and federal governments had previously held formal negotiations with the committee. These engagements included the Muzaffarabad Agreement reached in October 2025.

The communication also notes that on May 28, 2026, the Office of the Chief Secretary of AJK formally invited representatives of the committee to attend a meeting scheduled for May 30. The meeting was reportedly intended to discuss the issue of seats reserved for non-state refugees in the Legislative Assembly.

The experts further questioned the timing of the decision to proscribe the committee, particularly in the context of the electoral process and the elections scheduled for July 27, 2026.

Communication Refers to 96 Civilian Deaths During Protests

Citing information received by the experts, the communication states that since the protests began in June 2026, at least 96 protesters and six police and paramilitary personnel have reportedly been killed.

According to the allegations outlined in the communication, approximately 4,000 police and paramilitary personnel were deployed to prevent a proposed long march from Rawalakot towards Muzaffarabad.

Security forces reportedly used tear gas, batons and, in some instances, live ammunition to disperse protesters, resulting in multiple deaths and injuries.

The communication also includes a particularly serious allegation that some bereaved families were required to sign documents describing their deceased relatives as terrorists before being allowed to receive their bodies.

The UN experts emphasised that firearms should not be used to disperse peaceful assemblies. They stated that potentially lethal force may only be used when strictly necessary to protect life against an imminent threat.

More Than 70 Arrested, Including Journalists

The communication states that at least 70 people, including members and supporters of the Joint Awami Action Committee as well as journalists, were arrested during security operations.

Some individuals were reportedly charged under anti-terrorism provisions.

The experts also expressed concern over reports of internet and mobile network shutdowns, curfews, hospital closures and the alleged denial of medical assistance to injured protesters.

205 Individuals Reportedly Placed on Fourth Schedule

Another major concern highlighted in the communication relates to reports that 205 individuals, including women, have been placed on the Fourth Schedule of the Anti-Terrorism Act.

According to the communication, these individuals have reportedly faced restrictions including the suspension or cancellation of official identity documents, freezing of bank accounts and passports, and requirements to inform police authorities about their movements.

The experts warned that such measures could adversely affect access to essential services, medical treatment, economic activities and freedom of movement.

Concerns Over Linking Freedom of Expression and Peaceful Protest to Terrorism

The UN experts reminded Pakistan that it is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees fundamental rights including freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, freedom of association, the right to life, liberty and participation in public affairs.

The communication emphasises that restrictions imposed by governments must be lawful, necessary and proportionate.

It further states that advocating for political, economic and social rights, as well as engaging in peaceful protests, cannot be classified as terrorism without a sound legal basis.

The experts also raised concerns over certain provisions of Pakistan’s Anti-Terrorism Act, stressing that the definition of terrorism must be clear and consistent with international legal standards.

They emphasised that before an organisation is proscribed, credible evidence, transparent legal procedures and access to effective judicial review must be ensured.

Pakistan Asked to Respond to Eight Key Questions

The six UN experts have requested detailed explanations from the Government of Pakistan on eight key issues.

These include:

  • The legal and factual grounds for proscribing the Joint Awami Action Committee.
  • The evidence used to justify the decision.
  • The procedures available for appeals and judicial review.
  • Measures taken to protect freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.
  • Investigations into deaths and injuries during the demonstrations.
  • Alleged unlawful arrests and detentions.
  • Restrictions on internet, mobile networks and other communications.
  • The legal justification for imposing restrictions on 205 individuals reportedly placed on the Fourth Schedule.

The communication also asks what steps the government has taken to ensure that the Joint Awami Action Committee can continue its work in defence of human rights and the promotion of economic, social and political rights without fear of reprisals.

Government Given 60 Days to Respond

The UN experts stated that the Government of Pakistan’s response may be published on the United Nations website once received.

If no response is received, the communication will be made public after 60 days and may subsequently be included in a report submitted to the UN Human Rights Council.

At the conclusion of the communication, the experts urged the Pakistani authorities to take immediate interim measures to prevent further alleged human rights violations, ensure that such incidents do not recur and protect the rights of those affected.

They also called for accountability, stating that if investigations establish the allegations to be true, those responsible must be held accountable.

According to the CNI News reporting team, the joint communication issued by six UN human rights experts represents a significant international development concerning the situation in Azad Jammu and Kashmir.

The communication does not merely question the decision to proscribe the Joint Awami Action Committee. It also raises serious concerns over the reported loss of civilian lives during protests, arrests, restrictions on civil liberties and alleged measures imposed on 205 individuals.

The key question now is how the Government of Pakistan will respond to the concerns and eight questions raised by the UN experts, and what concrete steps will be taken to ensure justice for affected individuals and families.

Download the Original UN Communication (PDF)

Read the original communication sent by six UN human rights experts to the Government of Pakistan regarding the human rights situation in Azad Jammu and Kashmir.

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Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi’s Resignation: A Question of Political Conscience, Public Mandate and the Price of Principles in Kashmir

The Azadi Times
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Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi’s Resignation: A Question of Political Conscience, Public Mandate and the Price of Principles in Kashmir

SRINAGAR, November 3, 2026: The political landscape of Jammu and Kashmir has entered a significant moment as Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi, the Member of Parliament representing Srinagar, moves towards fulfilling his announced decision to resign from the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (NC) and relinquish his Lok Sabha membership.

His decision, rooted in a prolonged disagreement with the party leadership over electoral commitments, constitutional rights and the political direction of Jammu and Kashmir, has brought renewed attention to a fundamental question in Kashmiri politics: should political office take precedence over public commitments and personal conscience?

For many observers, Ruhullah’s decision represents more than an internal dispute within a political party. It has become a wider discussion about political accountability, the relationship between elected representatives and their electorate, and the responsibility of leaders to stand by the commitments on which they seek public support.

Reacting to Ruhullah’s announced resignation, Atif Maqbool, a Kashmiri political figure and media professional, described the decision as an example of placing public aspirations and personal conscience above temporary political privileges, financial incentives and the attractions of holding office.

In a statement, Maqbool said that Ruhullah Mehdi had demonstrated that political principles should not be compromised for personal benefits or the privileges associated with political positions.

He argued that Kashmir’s political difficulties have, in part, been compounded by leaders who prioritise temporary advantages, official privileges and political accommodation over the expectations of the people they represent.

According to Maqbool, Ruhullah’s decision has presented a mirror to those who, in his view, compromise their political convictions for short-term benefits.

Atif Maqbool: Public Aspirations Must Come Before Political Privileges

Commenting on the political significance of Ruhullah Mehdi’s decision, Atif Maqbool said:

“Ruhullah Mehdi is a leader who has placed the aspirations of the people and the voice of his conscience above money, temporary temptations and the privileges of political office. By announcing his resignation, he has presented a mirror to those who sell their conscience for temporary political benefits and personal privileges.

“Kashmir’s political fragmentation and the erosion of public trust are, to a considerable extent, connected to a political culture in which some leaders place their personal interests above the collective aspirations of the people.

“Ruhullah Mehdi has demonstrated that political leadership is not simply about occupying positions or enjoying official privileges. It is also about having the courage to question the system, challenge decisions that contradict public commitments and refuse to compromise one’s conscience.

“He has repeatedly emerged as a voice of dissent within the political establishment. His decision has brought an important question before Kashmiri society: what is the value of a political position if it requires a leader to remain silent when the promises made to the people are not fulfilled?”

Maqbool further maintained that the significance of Ruhullah’s decision should be assessed through the principles behind it rather than merely through its immediate political consequences.

His remarks reflect a wider concern among sections of Kashmiri society about political accountability and the credibility of electoral promises.

Why Is Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi Leaving the National Conference?

A little boy is holding the photograph of Agha Ruhullah Mehdi to show an incredible support. Image courtesy: Kashmir Files
A little boy is holding the photograph of Agha Ruhullah Mehdi to show an incredible support. Image courtesy: Kashmir Files

The disagreement between Ruhullah Mehdi and the National Conference leadership did not emerge overnight.

The Srinagar MP had been increasingly critical of the party’s political direction, particularly following the formation of the elected government under Chief Minister Omar Abdullah after the 2024 Jammu and Kashmir Assembly elections.

At the centre of the disagreement are questions concerning the restoration of Article 370, the protection of constitutional rights, the release of political prisoners and the government’s approach towards reservation policy.

Ruhullah has maintained that the National Conference sought public support on important political commitments but failed to demonstrate the level of action he expected after returning to power.

His criticism has also extended to the party’s emphasis on the restoration of statehood, which he believes should not replace the demand for the restoration of constitutional protections previously available to Jammu and Kashmir.

In an earlier communication to National Conference president Farooq Abdullah, Ruhullah questioned the party’s political approach, arguing that treating statehood as the outer limit of Jammu and Kashmir’s political aspirations risks normalising the constitutional changes introduced in August 2019.

He maintained that statehood and the restoration of Article 370 are two distinct political questions and that one should not be presented as a substitute for the other.

The disagreement has gradually developed into a public political confrontation between Ruhullah and the party leadership.

Article 370 and the Question of Electoral Accountability

The restoration of Article 370 remains one of the central political issues surrounding Ruhullah’s decision.

In August 2019, the Indian government revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status and reorganised the former state into two Union Territories.

The National Conference subsequently made the restoration of Article 370 and Article 35A a central component of its political position.

During the 2024 Assembly election campaign, the party’s manifesto included commitments to pursue the restoration of Article 370 and Article 35A, seek changes to the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, secure the release of political prisoners and protect the political and constitutional rights of the people.

However, after assuming office, the party’s approach and the practical limitations of the elected government became subjects of disagreement.

Ruhullah has questioned whether the party has maintained the political commitment it presented to voters before the elections.

For him, the issue is not simply whether the government has the constitutional authority to reverse decisions taken by the Union government. It is also whether an elected party continues to pursue the political commitments on which it secured public support.

The distinction is important.

An elected government may face constitutional, administrative and political limitations, but its representatives remain accountable for explaining their decisions and communicating honestly with the electorate.

Ruhullah’s criticism reflects this broader question of accountability.

From Reservation Policy to an Open Political Rift

The differences between Ruhullah and the National Conference leadership extend beyond Article 370.

One of the earlier sources of disagreement concerned the rationalisation of the reservation policy in Jammu and Kashmir.

The issue generated considerable public debate, particularly among sections of the population concerned about the distribution of opportunities in education and public employment.

Ruhullah’s disagreements with the party leadership over reservation policy contributed to the widening distance between him and the government.

His criticism subsequently expanded to include the government’s approach towards political prisoners, constitutional rights and the broader political direction of Jammu and Kashmir.

The differences became increasingly visible as he continued to raise questions about the party’s commitments despite being an elected representative of the ruling National Conference.

His position also distinguished him from several political figures who generally avoid publicly challenging their own party’s government.

Farooq Abdullah’s Challenge and Ruhullah’s Response

An important turning point came when National Conference president Farooq Abdullah publicly challenged Ruhullah to resign from the party and his parliamentary seat if he believed he could no longer support its political direction.

Ruhullah subsequently indicated that he was prepared to accept the challenge.

In August 2026, he communicated his position to the party leadership, making clear that his resignation was not simply a reaction to a personal disagreement.

He maintained that accountability must precede any discussion about his political future.

The exchange transformed an internal disagreement into a public political confrontation.

By announcing November 3 as the date for his resignation, Ruhullah also made it clear that he did not intend to continue occupying a parliamentary position while publicly questioning the political commitments of the party on whose ticket he had been elected.

He has rejected suggestions that his decision is connected to personal grievances over ministerial positions or political appointments.

He has also distanced himself from speculation about horse-trading or attempts to destabilise the elected government.

His stated position is that the decision is based on political principles and unfulfilled electoral commitments.

Why November 3? A Date Connected to His Father’s Legacy

Ruhullah selected November 3 for his announced resignation because the date marks the death anniversary of his father, Aga Syed Mehdi.

His father was a prominent political and religious figure who was killed in a bomb attack.

The public gathering scheduled at Behisht-e-Zehra Park in Budgam is being held in connection with the anniversary.

The choice of date gives the political announcement an additional personal and historical dimension.

Ruhullah has indicated that his father’s legacy and political upbringing have influenced his understanding of public responsibility and political principles.

The gathering was scheduled to take place between 10 am and 1 pm, subject to conditions imposed by the district administration.

The administration restricted the programme to the designated venue and prohibited processions, provocative speeches and activities that could disturb public order.

The event has attracted considerable political attention because of the expected announcement concerning both his party membership and parliamentary position.

A Parliamentary Seat Won on Public Trust

Ruhullah Mehdi was elected to the 18th Lok Sabha in June 2024 from the Srinagar parliamentary constituency on the National Conference ticket.

His victory came at a significant moment in Jammu and Kashmir’s political history, following the 2019 constitutional changes and the subsequent political transition.

The parliamentary election was held amid considerable public interest in representation, political rights and the future constitutional position of Jammu and Kashmir.

Ruhullah secured 356,866 votes, defeating his closest rival, Waheed-ur-Rehman Para of the Peoples Democratic Party, who received 168,450 votes.

The victory margin was 188,416 votes.

His office has maintained that the parliamentary seat was secured on the basis of political commitments made to the electorate.

This is also central to the argument behind his announced resignation.

Rather than continuing to represent Srinagar while disagreeing with the party’s political direction, Ruhullah has indicated that he is prepared to surrender the mandate and return to the people.

However, a parliamentary resignation must follow the prescribed constitutional procedure. Its formal acceptance by the Lok Sabha Speaker is separate from the announcement or submission of a resignation letter.

What Happens to Srinagar’s Parliamentary Seat?

If Ruhullah formally submits his resignation from the Lok Sabha and the Speaker accepts it, the Srinagar parliamentary constituency will become vacant.

The Election Commission of India would then be required to consider the applicable legal and constitutional provisions governing a by-election.

Such an election would provide an opportunity for voters in the constituency to choose a new representative.

Ruhullah has indicated that he would consult the people before deciding his future political course.

His next political move remains an important question.

In an interview published ahead of November 3, he indicated that establishing a new political party was not his immediate priority, although he intended to make efforts towards building an organised movement after the announced resignation.

This suggests that his political future may extend beyond the structure of the National Conference, although the form and organisational direction of any future initiative remain uncertain.

Beyond One Party: A Wider Debate About Kashmir’s Political Culture

The significance of Ruhullah Mehdi’s decision extends beyond the immediate disagreement within the National Conference.

For decades, Kashmir’s political landscape has been shaped by competing narratives, changing political arrangements, constitutional disputes and questions about the relationship between elected representatives and public aspirations.

Public confidence in political institutions depends not only on electoral participation but also on whether representatives remain answerable to the people after elections.

The issue raised by Ruhullah is particularly relevant in this context.

If political parties seek votes through commitments concerning constitutional rights, political prisoners, employment, land protections and regional aspirations, voters have a legitimate interest in asking what happens to those commitments after the formation of a government.

At the same time, political realities, constitutional limitations and administrative responsibilities can influence what an elected government is able to deliver.

The central question, therefore, is not simply whether every electoral promise can be implemented immediately. It is whether political leadership remains transparent, accountable and consistent in pursuing the commitments presented to the electorate.

Atif Maqbool’s reaction places particular emphasis on the moral dimension of this debate.

His statement argues that political leadership should be measured by the willingness to defend public interests, even when doing so comes at the cost of personal political advantages.

For Maqbool, Ruhullah’s decision represents a challenge to a political culture in which positions, privileges and short-term interests can sometimes become more important than public accountability.

A Defining Moment, but the Political Story Is Still Unfolding

Aga Syed Ruhullah Mehdi’s announced resignation marks a significant development in the internal politics of the National Conference and raises broader questions about political representation in Jammu and Kashmir.

Whether his decision leads to a new political movement, a wider reorganisation of dissenting voices or a different form of engagement with the electorate remains to be seen.

What is clear is that the disagreement has brought the issue of electoral accountability back into the centre of Kashmir’s political debate.

For Atif Maqbool, the importance of this moment lies in the principle that political office should never become more valuable than the public trust through which it is obtained.

Ruhullah’s next steps will determine the practical direction of his political journey. His announced willingness to relinquish both party membership and parliamentary office, however, has already placed a difficult question before the region’s political establishment:

Can a political system maintain public trust if its leaders are unwilling to place their electoral commitments above the privileges of power?

For the people of Jammu and Kashmir, the answer to that question extends far beyond one resignation or one political party.

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