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A Sister’s Open Letter After Rawalakot Killing Shines Light on Civilian Cost of Unrest

The Azadi Times
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A Sister’s Open Letter After Rawalakot Killing Shines Light on Civilian Cost of Unrest

Seventeen years after her brother’s childhood note, a grieving sister in Rawalakot shares an emotional response following his fatal shooting during June protests.

Months after 26-year-old Fahad Barkat was shot dead during a wave of public protests and unrest in Rawalakot, an open letter written by his sister has emerged, detailing the profound human toll of the region’s recent crisis.

The letter, penned in response to a childhood note Fahad had given his sister 17 years ago in 2009, reflects the anguish of a family grappling with a sudden and violent loss.

According to family accounts detailed in the writing, Fahad—born on January 30, 2000—was killed on the night of June 7, 2026. Relatives stated that he was an O-Negative blood donor who was heading to the Combined Military Hospital (CMH) in Rawalakot to donate blood to an injured person when he was struck in the neck by a bullet near the hospital gates, dying at the scene.

Due to internet suspensions, strict security crackdowns, and a tense environment across Rawalakot and surrounding areas at the time, the family did not immediately receive accurate information regarding his death. Relatives were initially led to believe he might have been injured or detained, leaving his sister to pray for his safety for weeks before learning of his death.

In the letter, the grieving sister questioned the use of force against civilians and highlighted the ongoing pain of the family, including young relatives who continue to await his return.

The letter has drawn renewed attention to the broader implications of security crackdowns and street protests in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, where human rights advocates have frequently raised concerns over civilian safety, accountability, and the impact of civil unrest on ordinary households.

Three Years of the JK Joint Awami Action Committee: How a Flour Price Protest Became a Region-Wide Movement in Pakistan-administered Kashmir

The Azadi Times
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Three Years of the JK Joint Awami Action Committee: How a Flour Price Protest Became a Region-Wide Movement in Pakistan-administered Kashmir

Three years ago this month, the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC) did not exist. There was no central platform, no shared charter, no single leadership. There were only scattered action committees in different districts, traders unhappy about the price of flour, students, civil society groups, and nationalist and progressive political workers who had been mobilising separately around the same set of grievances.

Today, the JKJAAC is the most recognisable protest platform in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Its three-year journey is not the story of a single organisation being founded on a single day. It is the story of how a region’s separate frustrations found a common voice — and of what happens to that voice once it has won something.

August 2022: the beginning that was not yet a movement

The story starts in August 2022, when nationalist leaders in Rawalakot held a press conference and announced the launch of a movement for public rights. Leaders associated with the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front, the Peoples Revolutionary Front, the Jammu Kashmir National Students Federation and the Jammu Kashmir National Awami Party were part of that early activity.

At that stage, there was no central joint action committee. The movement advanced through local action committees, student organisations, traders, civil society and political workers — each operating in its own area, with its own demands and its own pressure tactics. What they shared was a direction, not a structure.

May 2023: the spark from flour prices

On 9 May 2023, during the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf government, a notification raised the price of flour in the region by 600 rupees per maund. Flour depots were shut in different areas, and existing stock was refused at the old rates.

Citizens and traders in Rawalakot protested. Their demand was simple: supply flour at the previous rate. When the district administration and the food department did not accept the demand, a sit-in began.

That same day, a six-member committee was formed, and it was decided to continue the sit-in in front of the Supply Bazaar flour depot.

Within weeks, the protest spread beyond Rawalakot to other districts of the Poonch division and to Kotli. On 27 May, large demonstrations were held in Rawalakot, Khai Gala and other locations. On 31 May, a shutter-down strike was announced across all four districts of the Poonch division and at tehsil level.

There was still no central committee. But the action committees forming in different places were beginning to connect with one another.

August 2023: electricity bills and civil disobedience

In August 2023, the protest widened further. An increase in electricity prices in the region, and the issuance of an ordinance aimed at keeping government employees away from protests, deepened public anger.

On 23 August 2023, the movement crossed a threshold. Thousands of electricity bills were burned in Poonch, Sudhnoti, Bagh and Kotli. Later, bills were collected in Mirpur as well, and an announcement was made that payments would not be made.

By the end of August, the protest had reached the Muzaffarabad division. On 31 August, wheel-jam and shutter-down strikes were called in Muzaffarabad, Neelum and Jhelum Valley, and in early September strikes were held in the Poonch and Mirpur divisions as well.

The movement was no longer only about the price of flour. Electricity, taxes, the privileges of the ruling elite, a local share of revenue from hydropower projects and other basic rights had all become part of it.

The meeting that gave the currents a single platform

On 16 September 2023, a key meeting was held in Muzaffarabad.

Representatives of the Anjuman-e-Tajran, nationalist parties, local action committees and people from different schools of thought attended.

After consultations that ran late into the night, it was decided to take the region’s public rights movement forward jointly.

Then, at about three in the morning on 17 September 2023, a 30-member core committee of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee was established.

That was the moment scattered resistance across different areas took the shape of a central platform.

The meeting was hosted by Muzaffarabad traders’ leader Shaukat Nawaz, while figures such as Umar Nazir Kashmiri from Poonch and Advocate Khawaja Mehrhan from Mirpur emerged prominently from different regions.

The charter of demands

After its formation, the JKJAAC prepared a charter of demands.

It included subsidies on flour and other food items, an end to alleged corruption in the food department, declaring the region a load-shedding-free zone, supplying electricity at Mangla Dam’s cost, ending the privileges of the ruling elite and bureaucracy, and giving the region a share of revenue from hydropower projects.

The charter also demanded that the region be declared tax- and duty-free, implementation of the court decision on the Neelum-Jhelum project, fulfilment of past promises regarding Mangla Dam, construction of the Rathoa Hariyam bridge, restoration of the students’ union, powers and funds for local government representatives, rehabilitation of people affected by natural disasters, better mobile and internet facilities near the Line of Control, and the removal of restrictions on foreign tourists.

The demands were not limited to day-to-day inflation. They extended to economic, political and administrative rights.

28 September: a sea of electricity bills

On 28 September 2023, the campaign to boycott and burn electricity bills gave the movement an extraordinary form.

According to the electricity department, about 22 per cent of bills were paid during this period, while 78 per cent of consumers did not pay.

In Muzaffarabad, Neelum, Hattian and Tatta Pani, boats were made from bills and floated down rivers. In Poonch, Kotli, Mirpur, Bagh, Sudhnoti and other areas, thousands — indeed hundreds of thousands — of bills were burned.

In some places, garlands were made of bills and worn around the neck. In others, bills were placed in coffins and set alight. At some locations, people danced to the beat of drums as they burned them.

The protest carried a symbolic message: electricity bills were no longer just pieces of paper. They had become a symbol of public anger and resistance.

State response and women entering the field

State institutions began trying to clear the sit-ins and started registering cases and making arrests against protesters.

The sit-ins were re-established again and again.

Meanwhile, for the first time, women joined the protest in large numbers.

On 10 October 2023, women held protest demonstrations in different districts, tehsils, bazaars and villages. A large women’s rally was held in Rawalakot.

On 17 October, despite heavy rain, students came out onto the streets as well.

The movement had mobilised sections of society that usually appear less visible in political protest.

Promises, negotiations and repeatedly postponed protests

The government chose the path of negotiations to end the protest.

A negotiating committee was formed under Minister Faisal Mumtaz Rathore. At various times, agreements and assurances between the government and the action committee came to the surface.

In December 2023, the government assured that demands would be resolved by 4 January, and the protest was postponed.

But with demands not implemented, public unease continued.

From here, another problem inside the movement began to surface: complaints that decision-making had narrowed from the broad core committee to a few individuals.

February 2024: divisions within the movement

On 5 February 2024, a call was given for protest, shutter-down and wheel-jam.

But after negotiations and a government notification, an announcement was made to withdraw the protest. After public reaction, it was announced that the day would be observed as “Youm-e-Azm.”

In Rawalakot and other places, criticism of the decisions of the government and the action committee was heard.

On 13 February, at a meeting of the action committee, a demand was made to withdraw the decision on targeted cash subsidies and to insist on supplying flour at Gilgit-Baltistan rates.

This stage showed that a distance had begun to develop between the movement’s leadership and the public over decisions.

The 11 May long march

On 15 April 2024, it was announced that a long march would be taken from Bhimber towards Muzaffarabad on 11 May.

The announcement took tensions between the government and the movement to a new level.

The government sought additional force. The deployment of 600 personnel of the Punjab Constabulary was approved, while other personnel, including the FC, were also deployed.

The action committee announced that the long march would continue until the demands were accepted.

On 1 May, at Dadyal on the banks of Mangla Dam, members of the action committee took an oath to continue the struggle until the demands were accepted.

From arrests to clashes

Two days before the long march, on 9 May, a series of arrests of several leaders from the Mirpur division began.

Protests against the arrests were held in Dadyal, Nakeyal, Tatta Pani, Sarsawa and other areas.

In Dadyal, police and protesters clashed. Incidents of tear gas shelling and baton charges were reported.

The government imposed Section 144 and made emergency arrangements for two days.

The action committee postponed the long march and announced a region-wide shutter-down and wheel-jam strike from 10 May.

But under public pressure, the 11 May long march went ahead.

A sea of people on the roads

On 11 May, the long march began from Bhimber.

Convoys moved forward from Mirpur, Kotli and other areas. At various points, attempts were made to stop them, and in several places there were severe clashes between police and protesters.

In Islamgarh, a police officer was killed, while several protesters were also injured.

Despite this, the convoys kept moving forward, crossing barriers.

On 12 May, negotiations were held in Rawalakot but no final progress could be made. The convoys set off towards Dheerkot, and negotiations began there as well.

But the convoys were not prepared to turn back without a clear notification accepting the demands.

The 23 billion rupee package and acceptance of demands

As the long march moved towards Muzaffarabad, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif announced a special package of 23 billion rupees.

Alongside it, notifications relating to the demands began to be issued.

The electricity tariff was reduced significantly. Rates were lowered for domestic consumers across different slabs, while new rates were also set for commercial consumers.

The price of flour was also reduced, with a 40-kilogram bag fixed at 2,000 rupees.

A notification was also issued for the formation of a judicial commission to review the privileges of the ruling elite, although delays in actually constituting the commission emerged later.

Thus, a movement that had run for a year reached the acceptance of some of its most important core demands.

Muzaffarabad: reception, resistance and blood

During the long march, scenes of public reception were also seen along the route.

Children, women and men stood on rooftops, hillsides and in bazaars to welcome the convoys.

In some places, water and sherbet were distributed; in others, food was arranged; and in still others, the doors of homes and hotels were opened to participants in the march.

But near Muzaffarabad, the situation became tense once again.

When Rangers convoys moved towards Muzaffarabad, citizens tried to stop them at Bararkot. During firing incidents, young men were killed.

An internet shutdown made the situation more complicated. With information limited, some residents of Muzaffarabad could not know that long march participants had been allowed to enter the city. Some young people therefore came out onto the roads to stop the Rangers convoys.

That incident became the most tragic chapter in the movement’s history.

New questions after success

The JKJAAC  movement proved that local economic and civic issues can also generate large-scale public resistance.

Traders, students, women, political workers, labourers and ordinary citizens took part in the movement at different stages.

But with the movement’s success came new questions.

Will the movement remain limited to electricity and flour prices?

Will the political, economic and administrative demands included in the charter of demands also be carried forward with the same force?

And the most important question: in which political direction will the Joint Awami Action Committee go in the future?

The question of nationalist and progressive leadership

In the movement’s early stages, the role of nationalist and progressive political workers was prominent. From the formation of local action committees, to protest activities, to the later establishment of the central Joint Awami Action Committee, various nationalist and progressive circles remained active.

But over time, differences emerged within the committee over leadership, decision-making and the direction of the movement.

Critics argue that instead of the movement’s early broad consultative structure, decisions came to be limited to a few individuals.

On the other hand, the position also surfaced repeatedly that remaining above political affiliations is necessary to keep groups with different political ideologies together on a common public platform.

This contradiction has now become a key question for the JKJAAC’s future.

State concerns and the younger generation

An important aspect of this movement is the large participation of young people.

Young people between the ages of 18 and 35 played a prominent role in protest activities, sit-ins and the long march.

For state institutions, this situation matters also because a movement that began with economic demands over time gave rise to a debate about political consciousness and questioning state policies.

From here, two paths lie before the movement.

One is to keep it limited to the struggle for basic civic and economic rights.

The other is for the movement to make broader political and national questions part of its struggle as well.

Maintaining a balance between these two paths may be the biggest challenge for the Joint Awami Action Committee.

Where does the JAAC stand after three years?

The journey of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee has not been a straight line.

Sometimes protest, sometimes negotiation.

Sometimes agreements, sometimes allegations of broken promises.

Sometimes the leadership and the public appeared on the same page, and sometimes the leadership had to change its decisions under public pressure.

But the biggest aspect of this entire journey is that a struggle that began with a sit-in in Rawalakot against a rise in the price of flour ended up gripping the entire region.

From local action committees to the central Joint Awami Action Committee, from the boycott of electricity bills to protests by women and students, and then from Bhimber to Muzaffarabad, the long march — these are all different stages of a public movement that influenced politics in Pakistan-administered Kashmir.

After three years, the real question is not only what the JAAC achieved.

The real question is what shape the political and social consciousness the movement created among the people will take in the future.

Will the JAAC maintain its role as a permanent platform for public rights?

Will agreement hold among the groups within it that hold different political ideologies?

And will decision-making in any future movement return to broad public consultation?

The answers will emerge in the coming years.

For now, this three-year journey is testimony to the fact that a voice that began with a single flour sit-in in Rawalakot, when it reached different cities, bazaars, villages, educational institutions and homes, turned into a collective force that compelled the government not only to come to the negotiating table but also to accept several core demands.

And perhaps that is why the three-year history of the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee is not just the story of an organisation’s founding, but also the story of how public resistance in a region has changed its form.

HRCP Fact-Finding Mission Visits Gilgit Press Club to Review Press Freedom and Digital Rights

Noreen Haider
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HRCP Fact-Finding Mission Visits Gilgit Press Club to Review Press Freedom and Digital Rights

A six-member Human Rights Commission of Pakistan delegation met with local journalists in Gilgit to discuss freedom of expression, internet shutdowns, and professional challenges facing media workers in the region.

A six-member fact-finding mission from the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) visited the Gilgit Press Club, where local journalists briefed the delegation on the state of press freedom, freedom of expression, the right to information, and digital rights in Gilgit-Baltistan.

The HRCP delegation included senior council member Hussain Naqi, council members Sadia Bukhari and Wazir Muzaffar Hussain, senior manager of research and publication Maheen Pracha, Gilgit-Baltistan regional coordinator Israruddin Israr, and complaint officer Zahira Siraj.

Upon their arrival at the press club, the delegation was received by Senior Vice President Saadat Ali and Finance Secretary Syed Sher Abbas. Senior journalists including Manzar Shagre, Imtiaz Ali Taj, Jahangir Naji, Shireen Karim, Zohaib Akhtar, and Shahid Hussain Haidari were also in attendance.

During the meeting, journalists provided a detailed briefing on the systemic challenges affecting independent media in the region. Discussions centered on professional obstacles, safety and security concerns, restrictions on access to information, internet suspensions, and the broader human rights climate.

Local media representatives emphasized the urgent need for effective measures to protect journalists, ensure public access to information, and promote an environment conducive to independent journalism.

The HRCP delegation listened to the accounts shared by the journalists and affirmed their commitment to supporting ongoing efforts aimed at safeguarding human rights and defending press freedom across the region.

The visit forms part of broader fact-finding efforts to assess ground realities regarding journalism, fundamental freedoms, and the protection of media workers in Gilgit-Baltistan.

Journalist Azra Alam’s Family Detained After Police Raid Home in Attock Release

The Azadi Times
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Journalist Azra Alam’s Family Detained After Police Raid Home in Attock Release

Following journalist Azra Alam’s release after 40 days in Attock Jail, police reportedly raided her home again, detaining her father, brother, and uncles.

Family members of journalist Azra Alam have stated that police raided her home late last night, just days after her release following 40 days of detention in Attock Jail.

According to reports, the raid involved alleged violations of the sanctity of privacy and the home. Azra Alam was not present at the residence during the police action; however, authorities reportedly detained her father, Alam Hussain, her younger brother, Taimoor, and her uncles, Amir Hussain and Talib Hussain.

The incident has drawn serious concern regarding due process and the treatment of families. Observers noted that actions of this nature, carried out without verified evidence linking the journalist or her relatives to criminal activity, raise significant questions.

Authorities have yet to issue an official statement regarding the reported raid, the reasons for detaining family members, or their current whereabouts and legal status.

Kashmiri Karahi: A Search Term With No Dish Behind It

The Azadi Times
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Kashmiri Karahi: A Search Term With No Dish Behind It

Search “Kashmiri karahi” and you will find recipes. Chicken or mutton, tomatoes, green chillies, a shallow pan. Many carry the label “Kashmiri style,” usually because they include yoghurt, fennel or Kashmiri chilli powder. Some are written by people who have never cooked in the Valley. Others are written by people who have, and who use the term loosely to signal a flavour profile rather than a technique.

None of that is how Kashmiri food is cooked. And the gap between the search term and the cuisine is not a small one. It is the difference between a pan and a tradition, between a method built for speed and a cuisine built for patience.

What karahi actually means

Karahi is the name of a pan. It is a deep, circular, wok-like vessel, traditionally cast iron or steel, used across Pakistan and northern India. Dishes cooked in it — quickly, over high heat, with a tomato and ginger base — are also called karahi. In Pakistan, chicken karahi and mutton karahi are staples of roadside restaurants and family kitchens alike. The cooking is fast. The pan is shallow. The gravy is built on tomatoes, green chillies and ginger, finished in twenty or thirty minutes.

It is a Pakistani and North Indian tradition. It is not a Kashmiri one.

What Kashmiri cuisine actually is

Kashmiri cuisine is a different system entirely. It is built on slow cooking, yoghurt-based gravies and a fixed spice set: fennel, dry ginger, Kashmiri red chilli, cloves, cardamom. The flavours are layered rather than sharp, and the cooking often takes hours, sometimes overnight.

Its centrepiece is the wazwan, a multi-course feast cooked by hereditary chefs called wazas in large copper vessels over firewood. The wazwan is not a restaurant menu. It is a ceremony, served at weddings and major occasions, and it has its own order, its own etiquette and its own hierarchy of dishes.

The signature dishes are well known. Rogan Josh is a red lamb curry, coloured with Kashmiri chillies and spiced with fennel and dry ginger. Yakhni is a mild, creamy mutton gravy built on yoghurt, seasoned with cloves and cardamom. Rista are meatballs in red gravy. Gushtaba are large meatballs cooked in curds, served at the end of the feast. There are dozens more, each with its own place in the sequence.

The vegetarian side of the cuisine is equally distinct. Nadru, or lotus stem, is cooked in yoghurt gravies and also fried as fritters, known as nadru monje. Dum Aloo features potatoes, often fried first in mustard oil, then simmered in a spiced yoghurt sauce. Haakh, a collard greens dish sautéed with garlic and mustard oil, is a daily staple in many homes. These are not side dishes in the way a restaurant might treat them. They are part of the core repertoire.

Where the confusion comes from

The phrase “Kashmiri karahi” likely emerged from restaurant menus and recipe sites looking to combine two familiar terms. A search for it returns recipes for chicken or mutton cooked in a karahi with tomatoes, green chillies and yoghurt — flavours that overlap with parts of Kashmiri cooking but follow a different logic.

Some of these recipes even label themselves “Kashmiri style,” using yoghurt, fennel and Kashmiri chilli powder to approximate the Valley’s flavour profile. But the technique — quick cooking in a shallow pan with tomatoes and green chillies — is not how Kashmiri dishes are made. Wazwan cooking is slow, often overnight, and the gravies are built on yoghurt or mutton stock, not a tomato-onion base.

There is also a genuine karahi tradition in Jammu, where Dogra cooking uses the vessel for dishes such as madra and rajma. But that is Jammu, not the Valley, and even there the karahi is not the defining vessel of the cuisine. The two regions share a state and a history. They do not share a cooking method.

Why the distinction matters

For a reader searching for a Kashmiri recipe, the confusion is mostly harmless. A chicken karahi with fennel and Kashmiri chilli powder can taste good. It is simply not what the term promises.

But for a cuisine like Kashmir’s, which has survived largely through family kitchens, waza lineages and oral tradition rather than through restaurant chains, the distinction carries more weight. Wazwan is not a style of cooking that can be approximated with a pan and a tomato. It is a discipline, passed down, with its own rules about which dishes are served when, how they are spiced, and who prepares them.

When the word “karahi” is attached to “Kashmiri,” the result is a dish that belongs to neither tradition cleanly. It borrows the pan from one and the spices from another. That is how fusion cooking works, and it is not a problem in itself. It becomes a problem only when it replaces the original in the minds of people searching for the real thing.

The bottom line

If someone searches for a Kashmiri karahi recipe, they are more likely to find a North Indian or Pakistani karahi with a few Kashmiri spices added. That is not a crime — it can taste good — but it is not Kashmiri food.

The real Kashmiri menu is not organized around a pan. It is organized around the wazwan, the samovar and the season. Rogan Josh, Yakhni, Rista, Dum Aloo, Nadru, Haakh and the winter harissa are where the cuisine lives. A karahi has its place in South Asian cooking, but that place is not the Kashmir Valley.

What the Search for ‘How to Get Rid of Burn Scars’ Really Tells You — and What Doctors Actually Recommend

The Azadi Times
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What the Search for ‘How to Get Rid of Burn Scars’ Really Tells You — and What Doctors Actually Recommend

Burn scars are among the most searched skin concerns in the world, and the query usually carries the same hope: that they can be removed. Dermatologists and burn specialists give a consistent answer. They cannot be erased entirely. But they can be improved — often substantially — with the right combination of treatments, applied early and consistently.

What follows is a plain guide to the options, from pharmacy shelves to hospital clinics, and to the expectations that should accompany each one.

Why burn scars behave differently

A burn wound heals by laying down collagen, the protein that gives skin its structure. In normal healing, collagen fibres are laid down in an organised pattern. After a burn, especially a deep one, that pattern is disrupted. The result is scar tissue that is thicker, stiffer, more raised and often differently coloured from the surrounding skin.

Burn scars take several forms. Hypertrophic scars stay within the boundary of the original wound and are raised and red. Keloid scars grow beyond the wound edge. Contracture scars tighten the skin and can restrict movement, particularly when they cross a joint. Each type responds differently to treatment.

At-home care: what is worth doing

The first line of management is non-invasive and can be started at home.

Silicone gel sheets and silicone gels are the most widely recommended over-the-counter option. They are placed over the scar and worn for 12 to 24 hours a day, depending on the product and the skin’s tolerance. Studies and clinical practice show they help soften, flatten and smooth raised scars, and can reduce the itching and pain that often accompany burn scarring.

Moisturising matters more than it sounds. A non-fragranced cream keeps the scar from drying out, which reduces itching and cracking. Gentle circular massage, done consistently, helps keep scar tissue supple and can improve mobility when the scar crosses a joint.

Sun protection is not optional. Ultraviolet exposure can cause a healing scar to darken permanently or become more discoloured. Covering the area or using sunscreen is a simple step that protects the result of everything else.

When to see a specialist

If the scar is raised, stiff, painful, itching persistently, or restricting movement, home care is not enough. A dermatologist or a specialist at a burn centre can offer treatments that work at a deeper level.

Laser therapy is now a leading option. Different lasers target different problems. Vascular lasers address redness. Ablative fractional lasers, including CO2 lasers, target thick and stiff tissue. Pigment-specific lasers address discolouration. The mechanism is broadly the same: the laser breaks down disorganised scar tissue and stimulates the growth of new, healthier collagen. Multiple sessions are usually required, and improvement continues over months rather than days. Laser treatment can improve texture, thickness, colour and flexibility, and can also reduce pain and itching.

Injections are used for raised scars. Steroid injections such as triamcinolone, sometimes combined with other medications such as 5-fluorouracil, are injected directly into the scar to flatten it and reduce inflammation.

Cryotherapy freezes scar tissue to reduce its size. It is generally used for smaller, raised scars rather than large burn areas.

Surgical scar revision is reserved for severe cases — scars that are very large or that restrict movement. Surgery removes the scar tissue, and is normally followed by other treatments to stop the new scar from becoming problematic.

What no treatment can promise

The most important point is also the least pleasant to hear. No treatment makes a burn scar disappear. The realistic goal is to replace a prominent, symptomatic scar with one that is less noticeable and more comfortable.

The best plan is individual. It depends on the type of scar, its size and location, how old it is, and the person’s skin type. A scar on a joint raises different concerns from one on the forearm. A keloid behaves differently from a hypertrophic scar. A fresh scar responds differently from one that is years old.

That is why the single most useful step is a consultation with a board-certified dermatologist or a specialist at a burn centre. They can assess the scar and build a plan that combines the right options in the right order.

The bottom line

For anyone searching how to get rid of burn scars, the honest answer is that removal is not on the table, but meaningful improvement usually is. Silicone, moisturiser and sun protection are the starting point. Lasers, injections, cryotherapy and surgery are the tools available when the scar needs more. Results take time, patience and consistency.

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New Delhi Protests Over Voter Lists Lead to 25 Police Cases and Detentions of Opposition Leaders

The Azadi Times
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New Delhi Protests Over Voter Lists Lead to 25 Police Cases and Detentions of Opposition Leaders

Indian opposition parties demand the Chief Election Commissioner’s resignation over voter roll controversies, as Delhi police register multiple cases and detain demonstrators.

NEW DELHI — Opposition parties in India have intensified protests over ongoing revisions to electoral voter lists, prompting authorities in New Delhi to register 25 police cases and temporarily detain several high-profile political figures.

The demonstrations, driven by the opposition INDIA alliance, center on demands for the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, transparent investigations into alleged irregularities within voter rolls, and the protection of eligible citizens’ voting rights.

### Protests and Police Action in New Delhi

Tensions escalated when opposition parliamentarians marched from the parliament building toward the Election Commission office. Police blocked the procession, leading to demonstrations near Akashvani Bhavan involving prominent leaders, including Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. Police subsequently detained several participants before releasing them.

Subsequent gatherings took place at Raj Ghat, the memorial of Mahatma Gandhi, where leaders reiterated their demands.

According to reports from *Hindustan Times* and *The Indian Express*, Delhi Police registered 25 First Information Reports (FIRs) in connection with protests held since October 2. The police cases allege offenses including damage to public property, clashes with law enforcement personnel, obstruction of official duties, and violation of public assembly restrictions. The names of Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra appear in connection with some of these filings. Legal proceedings and individual defenses remain ongoing, and the filing of police complaints does not constitute a judicial finding of guilt.

### Separate Demonstrations and Mass Detentions

A separate protest campaign called by the youth movement Cockroach Janta Party led to further detentions on October 10. According to Reuters, more than 2,000 individuals were detained during demonstrations demanding the election chief’s resignation.

While the INDIA alliance and the Cockroach Janta Party share similar criticisms regarding election administration, reports from *The Times of India* noted that Congress did not formally participate in the October 10 demonstration, though other opposition factions, including leftist groups and the Aam Aadmi Party, expressed support.

### Core Demands and Official Stance

Opposition groups argue that large-scale deletions from voter lists threaten to disenfranchise eligible citizens and undermine public confidence in the electoral process.

Election authorities and the governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have rejected these allegations, maintaining that routine list revisions aim to correct inaccuracies and eliminate duplicate entries. The Election Commission stated that citizens whose names were omitted erroneously may submit applications for re-enrollment.

Political tensions remain high as opposition parties continue their campaign, and no official announcements regarding concessions or leadership changes have been confirmed by election authorities.

J&K Democratic Party Chairperson Nabila Irshad Detained in Islamabad, Rawalpindi Home Raided

The Azadi Times
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J&K Democratic Party Chairperson Nabila Irshad Detained in Islamabad, Rawalpindi Home Raided

Advocate Nabila Irshad was reportedly taken from her Islamabad residence, while police raided the Rawalpindi home of vlogger and activist Azra Alam, according to family and local reports.

Jammu and Kashmir Democratic Party Chairperson and lawyer Nabila Irshad was reportedly detained by police from her residence in Islamabad late last night, while security personnel also raided the Rawalpindi home of vlogger and activist Azra Alam.

According to Wajid Ali, the husband of Nabila Irshad, a police contingent—including female officers arriving in two vehicles—entered their residence and took her away.

Authorities had previously placed Nabila Irshad's name on Schedule Four alongside numerous other individuals following directives from the interior department.

During ongoing political tensions in the region, Nabila Irshad has actively pursued dialogue-based resolutions to regional grievances. Her efforts included meetings with leadership from the Joint Awami Action Committee as well as major political figures in Pakistan.

Specific legal grounds for the detention, her current whereabouts, and official details regarding the reported raid on Azra Alam's residence remain unconfirmed as further details are awaited.

Respect for the rule of law and fundamental civic rights requires that the grounds for any detention be formally disclosed, detainees be granted due legal access, and families be informed promptly. Authorities have yet to issue a comprehensive official statement clarifying the legal basis for these actions.

21 Years After the 2005 Kashmir Earthquake, Reconstruction Is Still Not Finished

Noreen Haider
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21 Years After the 2005 Kashmir Earthquake, Reconstruction Is Still Not Finished

On the morning of 8 October 2005, a powerful earthquake struck Pakistan-administered Kashmir and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. In seconds, thousands of families lost their loved ones, their homes and a lifetime of savings. In Pakistan-administered Kashmir alone, nearly 46,000 people were killed and more than 300,000 houses were destroyed.

The quake did not only damage homes. Health, education, water supply, communications and other basic services were severely affected across roughly 53 per cent of the region’s area.

It ranks among the largest disasters in human history, and it triggered one of the largest relief and reconstruction operations the region has seen. Twenty-one years on, that operation is still not complete.

From rescue to reconstruction

Immediately after the earthquake, the Government of Pakistan, the government of Pakistan-administered Kashmir, local departments and international agencies began joint rescue and relief activities.

In the initial phase, the focus was on pulling survivors from the rubble, providing medical aid to the injured, supplying food and tents, and moving affected populations to safer locations.

Later, a major reconstruction programme was launched. Its aim was not only to rebuild destroyed buildings but also to promote earthquake-resistant construction to reduce the impact of future quakes.

For that purpose, institutions including ERRA and SERRA trained people involved in construction in earthquake-resistant design and building methods.

The recovery and reconstruction work drew international recognition. According to records provided by ERRA and SERRA, ERRA received the United Nations Sasakawa Award in 2011.

Rs125 billion in losses, nearly Rs198 billion in projects

According to official records, the financial loss in the earthquake-affected districts of Pakistan-administered Kashmir was estimated at about Rs125 billion.

Against that, reconstruction projects worth about Rs198 billion have so far been completed, on which roughly Rs168 billion has been spent.

That figure also includes direct expenditure by various donors and sponsors.

But the reconstruction journey is not over.

7,608 projects, hundreds still pending

According to ERRA and SERRA records, a total of 7,608 recovery and reconstruction projects were undertaken across the seven earthquake-affected districts of Pakistan-administered Kashmir: Muzaffarabad, Hattian, Neelum, Bagh, Haveli, Poonch and Sudhnoti.

Of these:

  • 5,878 projects, or about 77 per cent, have been completed.

  • 919 projects, or about 12 per cent, are still under way.

  • 811 projects, or about 11 per cent, could not be started because of financial difficulties.

So 21 years later, hundreds of projects in the reconstruction programme are still waiting to begin.

Money kept falling short, projects kept stalling

The reconstruction programme has faced financial difficulties for several years.

According to SERRA records, in various financial years, only a limited portion of the funds sought for reconstruction was actually provided.

In the 2010-11 financial year, about Rs2.7 billion was demanded, and Rs750 million was provided.

In 2011-12, about Rs3.332 billion was sought, but only Rs538 million was released.

In 2012-13, against a demand of Rs1.62 billion, Rs356.4 million was received.

In 2013-14, against a demand of Rs1.4 billion, Rs151.2 million was released.

The pattern continued after that.

In 2014-15, against a demand of Rs1 billion, about Rs75.6 million was released, while in 2015-16, against a demand of about Rs696 million, Rs104.8 million was provided.

In 2016-17, against a demand of Rs800 million, about Rs95.3 million was released.

In 2017-18, SERRA sought about Rs1.69 billion, but about Rs102.6 million was provided.

In 2018-19, against a demand of Rs950.4 million, about Rs99.6 million was released.

In 2019-20, against a demand of Rs1.981 billion, only Rs73.1 million was released.

And in 2020-21, against a demand of about Rs960.4 million, just Rs37.3 million was provided.

Rs555.9 million in seven years

Looking at the figures, SERRA received a total of about Rs5.559 billion over the past seven years.

That amount is less than some of SERRA’s single-year demands.

According to SERRA, despite these financial difficulties, about 463 projects in education and health in particular were completed over the past seven years.

These projects include the restoration of schools, hospitals and other basic facilities, which were considered important for bringing life back to normal for the affected population after the earthquake.

Rs30 billion still needed

But the end of this reconstruction journey is still some way off.

According to SERRA, a total of about Rs30.107 billion is needed to complete the remaining projects in the reconstruction programme.

Of this, Rs2.429 billion is needed for liabilities related to completed projects, Rs12.615 billion for the completion of ongoing projects, and about Rs15.061 billion for projects that are still pending.

Because of this situation, there is a risk of further delays in completing the remaining projects in the reconstruction programme.

21 years later, the same question

It has now been 21 years since the earthquake of 8 October 2005.

In that time, thousands of buildings have been rebuilt, schools and hospitals have reopened, roads have been restored, and life in the affected areas has largely returned to normal.

But the scale of the destruction was so large that, even after two decades, not all reconstruction targets have been met.

On one side, reconstruction work was carried out on a large scale compared with the damage caused by the earthquake. On the other, a shortage of financial resources has affected the pace of the remaining projects.

Twenty-one years on, the memory of the earthquake is not confined to the families who lost their loved ones. It also lives in the projects that remain unfinished.

One Killed in Shooting Amid Mixed Response to Joint Awami Action Committee Strike in Azad Kashmir

The Azadi Times
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One Killed in Shooting Amid Mixed Response to Joint Awami Action Committee Strike in Azad Kashmir

Markets reopened in major cities like Mirpur and Muzaffarabad, while a citizen was shot dead by unidentified armed individuals in Qallan Bazaar during ongoing protests.

Normal life returned to several major urban centers across Azad Kashmir on October 5 as the indefinite shutter-down and wheel-jam strike called by the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) witnessed a mixed response across different regions.

While commercial centers and transport remained operational in the Muzaffarabad and Mirpur divisions—with the exception of Dadyal—the impact of the Action Committee’s call remained visible in areas where its influence is strong. Local reports indicated that business activities were also restricted in Dadyal and Khursheedabad in Haveli.

Amid the developing situation, a fatal shooting occurred in Qallan Bazaar near Baloch, where a citizen was killed by unidentified armed individuals. According to eyewitnesses, an off-road vehicle traveled from Hajira toward Trarkhel and later headed toward the Baloch India Morh area during the afternoon.

Local sources claimed that armed individuals inside the vehicle opened fire in the Trarkhel bazaar and subsequently at various other locations along the route. Eyewitnesses in Qallan Bazaar stated that when a local resident attempted to record a video of the vehicle, occupants opened fire, resulting in the immediate death of the civilian. The identity of the attackers and the precise motive behind the shooting remain unverified, while local sources noted that the vehicle traveled along a route where no Action Committee checkpoints or road barriers were established.

Meanwhile, student demonstrations were reported on October 5 inside the Mirpur University of Science and Technology (MUST) campus, indicating that protest sentiments persist despite the resumption of commercial activities in some markets.

In Bagh, the Action Committee alleged that local authorities sealed the shop of a trader named Waleed Shoukat at the Lari Adda, leading to the shop remaining shut in protest. The administration's perspective on this administrative action was not immediately available.

The events of October 5 underscore the complex dynamics of the ongoing protests in the region, characterized by a partial return to normalcy in major cities alongside localized restrictions, continued student activism, and a fatal security incident that has heightened regional concern.

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