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Ex-PTI Leaders Mobilize Political Contacts for Imran Khan Release

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Islamabad (The Azadi Times) – Former leaders of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) have reportedly decided to engage political parties and key stakeholders in a coordinated effort to secure the release of party founder Imran Khan.

Sources familiar with the matter revealed that a high-level meeting took place last Friday with Shah Mahmood Qureshi, where the former leadership discussed a strategy for dialogue and negotiation across the political spectrum.

The coordination team reportedly includes prominent PTI figures such as Fawad Chaudhry, Imran Ismail, Ali Zaidi, Mehmood Molvi, and Sabtain Khan. According to insiders, these leaders are exploring meetings with Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) representatives and other political actors to create a framework for de-escalation.

The initiative is said to focus on lowering the political temperature nationwide while addressing procedural and organizational concerns within PTI. Former leaders are actively exploring ways to mediate, restore stability, and facilitate the founder’s safe return.

Further sources indicated that additional discussions were held with Ejaz Chaudhry, Mian Mehmood Arshad, and Umar Sarfraz Cheema, examining the broader political landscape and potential pathways for reconciliation amid rising tensions.

E-Marking Chaos: Mirpur Board’s First Digital Experiment Shatters Students’ Future

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Muzaffarabad, Pakistan-administered Kashmir: What was announced as a step toward modernization has turned into one of the biggest academic setbacks in Azad Jammu & Kashmir’s recent history. The Mirpur Board of Intermediate and Secondary Education’s first-ever experiment with e-marking has left thousands of students devastated — with top performers unexpectedly failing and overall results plunging to record lows.

This year, the board introduced digital paper checking (e-marking) for FA and FSc Part-I exams, branding it a “technological milestone.” However, the results have painted a very different picture — one of confusion, alleged negligence, and shattered confidence.

Unprecedented Failures

According to multiple parents and students, results were delayed for weeks, and when released, scores were alarmingly low compared to previous years. Dozens of top-rank students who consistently performed well in school have now been marked as “supplementary,” leaving families in shock.

“My daughter was always among the top five students,” said Farzana Khan, a parent from Mirpur. “Now she’s been marked failed in two subjects she excelled at. We are not against technology, but it must be used responsibly.”

Technical Flaws and Poor Preparation

Teachers and educationists claim that no proper training or pilot phase was conducted before implementing the e-marking system.

“The marking software was not tested thoroughly,” said Professor Naveed Ahmed, a lecturer at a local college. “Many examiners were unfamiliar with the digital interface. In some cases, scanned answer sheets were misaligned or missing pages.”

Several teachers also pointed out discrepancies in marks awarded and raised questions about the credibility of the scanning and grading process.

Comparisons with Pakistani Board

While Pakistan’s Federal Board has successfully adopted e-marking with improved transparency, Mirpur Board’s execution has drawn widespread criticism. Education analysts note that Mirpur’s version lacked the technical supervision, quality checks, and examiner training that made the federal model successful.

Widespread Protests

Following the announcement of results, students across Mirpur and surrounding areas took to the streets, demanding justice and transparency. Placards reading “Fix Our Future” and “Audit the E-Marking System” were seen outside the board’s regional offices.

“We worked day and night. This isn’t just about marks — it’s about our future,” said Usman Rafiq, an FSc student from Kotli. “The board must take responsibility for this disaster.”

Demands for Accountability

Students and parents have collectively called for:

  1. An independent audit of the e-marking process.

  2. Re-checking of all papers with unusually low marks.

  3. Suspension of future e-marking implementations until full training and system stability are ensured.

Education activists argue that transparency, accountability, and student welfare must define any education reform — not haste and experimentation.

While digital transformation in education is inevitable, its success depends on competence and compassion. The Mirpur Board’s first digital experiment stands as a reminder that technology without preparation can destroy more than it builds.

“Students are not data points,” said one education expert. “Their lives cannot be beta tests for unready systems.”

The Azadi Times reached out to the Chairman and Controller of Examinations at Mirpur Board for comment, but no official statement was received at the time of publication.

Tension Flares Along Ceasefire Line in Neelum Valley; One Worker Injured

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Neelum Valley: Tension briefly escalated along the ceasefire line (Line of Control) in Neelum Valley after an incident of cross-border firing was reported near the Bab Neelum–Chilhanna Jagir area in Pakistan-administered Kashmir on Thursday, leaving one civilian injured.

According to local reports, the exchange took place while workers were engaged in road construction close to the ceasefire line. A local resident identified as Sudheer Ahmad sustained a bullet wound to his leg and was taken to a nearby hospital for treatment.

Authorities temporarily suspended traffic on the main Neelum highway as a precautionary measure following the incident. Movement was later restored after the situation stabilized.

Local sources said that construction machinery operating near the border area was also hit by gunfire. The incident has caused concern among residents living along the ceasefire line, who say sporadic firing disrupts daily life and undermines a sense of security in the border communities.

Officials have not issued an official statement regarding the cause of the firing. However, residents called on both sides to uphold the ceasefire agreement and ensure the safety of civilians living near the frontier.

Since the 2021 reaffirmation of the ceasefire between the two sides, occasional violations have continued to be reported along the line, highlighting the fragility of peace in the region.

Growing Rift in British Royal Family: Prince William Reportedly Issues Warning to Cousins

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London: The British royal family — long regarded as a global symbol of tradition, dignity, and national identity — is once again facing deep internal divisions. According to recent reports, tensions within the family have intensified, this time involving Prince William, Princess Beatrice, Princess Eugenie, and Prince Andrew.

As reported by The Daily Mail, Prince William has allegedly issued a stern warning to his cousins, Princess Beatrice and Princess Eugenie, concerning their father, Prince Andrew. The Prince of Wales reportedly urged them to persuade their father to vacate the Royal Lodge, or risk a review of their royal titles and privileges.

The matter came to light through renowned British journalist Emily Maitlis, who conducted the now-famous 2019 BBC interview with Prince Andrew. Speaking on a recent podcast, Maitlis revealed that on Thursday night, media activity intensified outside the Royal Lodge as new details about the internal dispute emerged.

According to Maitlis, Prince William met with both of his cousins to deliver a clear message — that failure to convince their father to relocate from the Royal Lodge could lead to a reassessment of their royal standing. She added that, while both princesses currently retain their titles, growing pressure within the institution could lead to those privileges being reconsidered.

Reports suggest that Prince Andrew, determined to protect his daughters’ royal status, is resisting any move that might threaten their position. Meanwhile, sources indicate that the ongoing disagreement between King Charles and Prince Andrew over the Royal Lodge’s ownership and residence rights has worsened in recent months. The dispute, once confined to the older generation, now appears to be drawing in the younger royals as well — deepening the fractures within Britain’s most scrutinized family.

How to Check the Number of SIMs Registered on Your CNIC (2025 Guide)

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In an era of growing digital identity concerns, knowing how many mobile SIM cards are registered under your Computerized National Identity Card (CNIC) is crucial for personal security.

Whether you live in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir or any other part of Pakistan, telecom regulations are managed under the same national framework through the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA).

This step-by-step guide by The Azadi Times Technology Desk explains how to check SIMs registered on your CNIC — using both online and SMS methods to ensure your digital identity remains secure and compliant.

Why Checking SIMs on CNIC Matters

In recent years, misuse of mobile SIM cards has become a growing concern across the region. Fake or unauthorized SIMs can be linked to fraud, spam, or even cybercrime.

By verifying your SIMs through official PTA systems, you can:

  • Identify unauthorized numbers issued under your CNIC

  • Report misuse or fraud to your mobile operator

  • Maintain digital safety and prevent identity theft

  • Comply with PTA’s biometric verification rules

Official Method: PTA SIM Information System

The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) operates a public verification system that allows individuals to check all SIMs issued under their CNIC.

You can do this in two simple ways: via website or through SMS.

Method 1: Check SIMs on CNIC via Website (Online Method)

  1. Visit the official PTA website: https://cnic.sims.pk

  2. Enter your 13-digit CNIC number (without dashes).

  3. Complete the captcha verification.

  4. Click Submit.

You will see a detailed list showing:

  • Name of each mobile network (Jazz, Zong, Telenor, Ufone, SCOM, etc.)

  • Total active SIMs registered under your CNIC.

This method works for residents of Pakistan-administered Kashmir as well as all provinces of Pakistan.

Method 2: Check SIMs on CNIC via SMS (Offline Method)

  1. Open your phone’s messaging app.

  2. Type your CNIC number (without spaces or dashes).

  3. Send it to 668.

You will receive an instant SMS reply showing:

  • Number of SIMs registered with each mobile company.

Example:

Jazz: 2
Zong: 1
Ufone: 1

This method works on all mobile networks, including SCOM in the Kashmir region.

How to Block Unused or Unauthorized SIMs

If you find SIMs registered in your name that you didn’t authorize:

  1. Visit the nearest franchise or customer service center of that network.

  2. Bring your original CNIC for biometric verification.

  3. Request cancellation of unverified or extra SIMs.

You can also contact PTA’s consumer protection helpline at 0800-55055 for further assistance.

Regional Note: Pakistan-Administered Kashmir

For users in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir, including Muzaffarabad, Gilgit-Baltistan, and Neelum Valley, the same PTA verification process applies.

However, certain networks such as Special Communications Organization (SCOM) are managed under the Ministry of IT and Telecommunication, and their records are synchronized with PTA’s national database.

Thus, whether your network is Jazz, Zong, Telenor, Ufone, or SCOM, the verification through https://cnic.sims.pk remains valid and accessible.

Data Privacy and Security Concerns

Experts recommend checking your SIM registration at least once every six months.
Unauthorized SIMs can be used for fraudulent activities without your knowledge.

Always:

  • Keep your CNIC details confidential.

  • Avoid sharing personal data on unverified websites.

  • Report suspicious SIM activity immediately to your operator.

Key Takeaways

  • Visit https://cnic.sims.pk or send your CNIC to 668 to check SIMs.

  • Works for Pakistan-administered Kashmir and all of Pakistan.

  • Report unauthorized numbers promptly.

  • Always use official PTA channels for verification.

How to Delete Instagram Account: Step-by-Step Guide for Android, iPhone and Web

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Updated: October 29, 2025: As social media continues to shape global communication, a growing number of users are re-evaluating their online presence. For many, Instagram — once a space for creativity and connection — has become synonymous with privacy concerns, algorithm fatigue, and digital burnout.

Search trends across South Asia, including Kashmir, reveal a steady rise in one question: “How to delete Instagram account.”

This comprehensive guide by The Azadi Times Tech explains, step-by-step, how to permanently delete or temporarily deactivate your Instagram account in 2025 — on Android, iPhone, and desktop. It also explores why millions are making this decision and what happens to your data once you leave the platform.

In an era dominated by attention-driven algorithms and AI-driven data tracking, digital privacy is no longer a niche concern.

Across Kashmir, Pakistan, India, and beyond, users are taking deliberate breaks from social media to regain focus, protect mental health, and reclaim control over their data.

Among the most common reasons cited:

  • Privacy and security concerns amid expanding Meta integrations

  • Digital detox and screen-time reduction

  • Social pressure and algorithm fatigue

  • Desire for real-world connection

  • Shift to emerging alternatives like Threads, BeReal, or Telegram

Deactivate or Delete? Know the Difference

Instagram provides two options — temporary deactivation or permanent deletion.

ActionWhat It DoesCan You Recover?
DeactivateHides your profile, photos, comments, and likes✅ Yes, anytime
DeletePermanently removes your account, posts, followers, and messages❌ No recovery possible

If you’re unsure about leaving for good, start with deactivation — it offers a clean break without permanent loss.

How to Temporarily Deactivate Your Instagram Account

Deactivation is available only through a browser (mobile or desktop).

Steps:

  1. Visit Instagram.com and log in.

  2. Go to your Profile → Edit Profile.

  3. Scroll to the bottom and click “Temporarily deactivate my account.”

  4. Choose a reason and re-enter your password.

  5. Select Temporarily Deactivate Account.

Your profile is now hidden until you sign in again.

How to Permanently Delete Your Instagram Account (2025 Update)

Option 1: Delete via Browser

  1. Go to the Account Deletion Page.

  2. Log in and choose a reason for deletion.

  3. Re-enter your password and confirm Delete Account.

  4. Instagram retains your data for 30 days before erasing it permanently.

Option 2: Delete via Instagram App

  1. Open the Instagram app.

  2. Navigate to Settings → Accounts Center → Personal Details → Account Ownership and Control.

  3. Select your account, then tap Deactivation or Deletion.

  4. Choose Delete Account Permanently, confirm, and exit.

Once deleted, your data and username cannot be recovered.

Download Your Instagram Data Before Deleting

Before deleting, it’s wise to keep a backup of your photos, videos, and messages.

  1. Go to Settings → Privacy and Security → Data Download.

  2. Enter your email and click Request Download.

  3. You’ll receive a download link within 48 hours.

What Happens After Deletion

After the 30-day grace period:

  • Your profile, photos, and reels are permanently erased.

  • Your followers, messages, and comments disappear.

  • Your username may not be reusable.

  • Some data backups remain briefly for legal or technical reasons.

Privacy Alternatives to Deletion

If your goal is protection — not disappearance — consider these privacy adjustments instead:

  • Switch your account to Private.

  • Restrict comments and DMs.

  • Turn off activity status and ad personalization.

  • Regularly review linked apps and login history.

These measures allow you to stay connected without compromising privacy.

Expert Perspective: A Global Shift Toward Digital Minimalism

Analysts observe that the rising trend of deleting social accounts reflects a broader movement toward digital minimalism — particularly among youth in conflict-affected or high-stress regions like Kashmir.

Dr Naeem Chaudhry, a digital culture researcher, notes:

“Users are redefining control. Deleting a social account isn’t isolation — it’s reclamation of time and agency in an attention economy.”

Key Takeaways

  • You can deactivate temporarily or delete permanently.

  • Always download your data before deletion.

  • Once deleted, recovery is impossible.

  • Deletion is available via both app and browser.

FAQs:

Q1: Can I recover my Instagram account after deleting it?
A1: No, once deleted, recovery isn’t possible after 30 days.

Q2: How is deactivation different from deletion?
A2: Deactivation is temporary; deletion is permanent.

Q3: Can I delete Instagram directly from the app?
A3: Yes, since 2025 updates, you can delete via the Accounts Center in the app.

Final Thought

Deleting Instagram is more than a technical action — it’s a statement about ownership of digital identity. As social platforms evolve, knowing how to delete your Instagram account gives you the freedom to decide how visible you wish to be in an increasingly monitored world.

Court Orders Arrest of Former KP Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur in Liquor and Arms Recovery Case

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The District and Sessions Court of Islamabad has issued arrest warrants for former Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur in connection with a liquor and illegal arms recovery case.

During the hearing, Judicial Magistrate Mubashir Hassan Chishti presided over the proceedings. Neither Gandapur nor his lawyer, Raja Zahoor-ul-Hasan, appeared in court. Due to Gandapur’s repeated absences, the court issued warrants for his arrest and ordered authorities to present him before the court. The next hearing has been scheduled for November 11.

The case against the PTI leader is registered at Bara Kahu Police Station, Islamabad.

Background of the Case

Ali Amin Gandapur, a senior PTI figure and close ally of Imran Khan, resigned from his post as Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa following the party’s internal reshuffling. The resignation came after Imran Khan nominated a new Chief Minister for the province.

In his resignation letter, Gandapur stated:

“I am resigning in compliance with the instructions of our leader, Imran Khan. Serving as Chief Minister has been an honor for me. I assumed office at a time when the province was facing severe financial and security challenges.”

He further added that within one and a half years, his administration had put the province on the path of financial stability, took bold actions against terrorism, and initiated major development projects under Imran Khan’s leadership.

Gandapur expressed gratitude to Imran Khan, his cabinet colleagues, party members, and the bureaucracy, saying he always made decisions in the best interest of Pakistan.

“Despite challenges, I served the people sincerely. Pakistan Zindabad, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Paindabad.”

Kenya Plane Crash: All 11 Passengers, Including Foreign Tourists, Killed in Tragic Accident

A tragic aviation disaster struck Kenya on Wednesday when a passenger aircraft crashed in the coastal region of Kwale, killing all 11 people on board. The aircraft, operated by Mombasa Air Safari, was en route to the world-famous Maasai Mara National Reserve, a top tourist destination, when it went down under unclear circumstances.

According to reports from international media, including Al Jazeera and Reuters, the small passenger plane was carrying foreign tourists and local crew members when it crashed approximately 40 kilometers from Diani, a popular beach area.

Foreign Tourists Among the Dead

In an official statement, Mombasa Air Safari confirmed that all passengers and crew members perished in the crash. The victims included eight tourists from Hungary, two from Germany, and one Kenyan pilot.
The company expressed deep sorrow over the tragedy, calling it a “devastating loss for the families and the tourism community.”

Crash Site and Investigation

According to the Kenya Civil Aviation Authority (KCAA), the crash occurred in a hilly and forested area of Kwale County. Witnesses reported hearing a loud explosion before the aircraft burst into flames. Rescue teams arrived to find the wreckage engulfed in fire, leaving the remains of the victims unrecognizable due to the intensity of the blaze.

Local resident Joseph Mwadime, an eyewitness, told reporters that he heard “a huge bang followed by smoke rising from the hills.” He added, “When we got there, there was fire everywhere and no sign of survivors.”

Authorities Respond

Kwale County Commissioner Stephen Orende confirmed that investigators from the Kenyan Air Accident Investigation Department are on site to determine the cause of the crash. He said, “We have launched a full investigation. At this stage, we cannot rule out mechanical failure, but we are gathering all evidence.”

The aircraft was reportedly on a routine safari flight from Diani Airstrip to Maasai Mara, a route frequently used by tourists seeking Kenya’s iconic wildlife experiences.

Kenya’s Aviation Safety Record

Kenya’s aviation industry has generally maintained a good safety record in recent years. However, small private and charter planes operating in remote areas have occasionally faced accidents due to challenging weather, poor visibility, or technical issues.

A similar incident occurred in 2018, when a domestic flight from Kitale to Nairobi crashed, killing all ten passengers on board.

Global Reactions and Condolences

Hungary and Germany’s embassies in Nairobi have expressed condolences to the families of the victims and are working with Kenyan authorities to repatriate the remains of their nationals.

Kenyan President William Ruto also extended his sympathies, tweeting:

“We mourn the loss of lives in the tragic air crash in Kwale. Our thoughts and prayers are with the families of all those who perished.”

As investigations continue, authorities have urged the public to avoid spreading unverified information and to allow experts to determine the exact cause of the tragedy.

The Vanishing Tribes of the Amazon: Inside Peru’s Silent Struggle to Protect the Mashco-Piro People

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Deep in the dense Peruvian Amazon, Thomas Enes dos Santos was clearing a patch of land when he suddenly froze. From the shadows came the faint sound of footsteps.

“I realized I was surrounded,” he recalls. “A man stood a few meters away with a bow aimed directly at me. The moment I sensed danger, I started to run.”

Thomas had come face-to-face with members of the Mashco-Piro — one of the last remaining uncontacted tribes on Earth. For decades, he has lived in the small riverside village of Nueva Oceania, whose invisible neighbors dwell silently in the forest.

The Mashco-Piro have spent over a century avoiding contact with outsiders, surviving solely on the resources of the rainforest — hunting with longbows, gathering fruits, and fishing along the riverbanks.

“Once they saw me,” Thomas says, “they began circling around, whistling like birds, mimicking animals. It was both terrifying and mesmerizing. I kept repeating the word ‘Nomole’ — it means brother in their language — and then I escaped toward the river.”

For years, Thomas and other villagers have lived side by side — yet worlds apart — from the Mashco-Piro.

A new report by Survival International, a global indigenous rights organization, estimates that at least 196 isolated tribes still exist across the world, with the Mashco-Piro among the most significant. The report warns that half of these groups could vanish within the next decade if urgent action is not taken.

Their survival is threatened by a familiar enemy — industrial intrusion: logging, mining, oil exploration, and now, the growing reach of social media influencers who enter protected zones to film “first contact” videos.

Nueva Oceania, Thomas’s village, is home to just seven or eight fishing families. Located along the Tahuhamano River — deep in the heart of the Amazon — the community is accessible only after a ten-hour boat journey from the nearest town.

Although the region is supposed to be a protected reserve, illegal logging operations are expanding rapidly. The constant hum of machinery echoes through the forest day and night.

“The Mashco-Piro can hear the chainsaws,” Thomas says. “Their forest is being destroyed, and they are scared. Sometimes, they come closer to our village, confused and desperate.”

Locals live in fear of arrows — but also in grief for what is happening to their silent neighbors.

“We keep our distance,” says Thomas, “because we don’t want to harm them. They deserve to live as they have always lived.”

Fear, survival, and fragile peace

In June 2024, villagers spotted a group of Mashco-Piro near the riverbanks — the first sighting in months.

“Leticia Rodríguez López,” a young mother, recalls hearing eerie shouts while picking fruit in the forest. “It sounded like dozens of people crying out,” she said. “I ran back to the village immediately.”

She wasn’t alone in her fear. Two years earlier, in 2022, the tribe had attacked two loggers fishing nearby — one man was killed by arrows.

Experts believe such incidents are not random acts of aggression but reactions of fear and territorial defense. “They see their homeland disappearing,” says an anthropologist from Lima University. “They don’t understand why the forest — their life — is being cut down.”

Under Peruvian law, contacting or approaching uncontacted tribes is illegal. The government’s “No Contact Policy”, modeled after Brazil’s, aims to prevent the spread of diseases to which isolated peoples have no immunity.

The policy was introduced after devastating episodes in the 1980s and 1990s. When the Nahua and Murunahua tribes first came into contact with outsiders, half of their populations died within years due to infections like influenza and measles.

“Uncontacted people are biologically and culturally vulnerable,” says Israel Akise of the indigenous rights group Fenamad. “Even a simple cold can wipe out entire communities. Every contact risks erasing centuries of heritage.”

At the same time, the no-contact rule has left border villages like Nueva Oceania in a difficult position.

Thomas says he sometimes plants banana trees near the forest edge for the Mashco-Piro to take. “It’s my way of saying — we mean no harm.”

He smiles faintly. “If I could speak their words, I’d tell them, ‘Take the bananas, my friends. It’s a gift. Please don’t harm us.’”

When Thomas whistles into the forest, waiting for an answer, only the birds reply.

“They’re not here today,” he says softly.

The government outpost: watching the unseen

Some 200 kilometers southeast of Nueva Oceania, near the Manu River, lies a government monitoring post — the Nomole Control Post. Established in 2013 after violent clashes, it is run by Peru’s Ministry of Culture in partnership with Fenamad.

Here, eight field officers keep watch over a section of the forest officially designated as a “Mashco-Piro Reserve.”

Their mission: prevent conflict and ensure that the tribe remains undisturbed.

“They come to the river almost every week,” says Antonio Trigoso Hidalgo, the head officer at the outpost. “We never cross to their side. We only communicate through shouts.”

He points across the wide river. “They ask for bananas, cassava, or sugarcane. If we don’t respond, they wait all day.”

Forty faces at the riverbank

Antonio estimates that about 40 individuals regularly approach the outpost — men, women, and children from different families.

“They have names based on animals,” he says. “The chief is Kamotolo, which means ‘Bee’. Another leader, Tokotoko, means ‘Vulture’ — he’s cheerful and often laughs with us. A young woman called Yumko means ‘Snake’. She’s curious about our clothes.”

Sometimes, they even offer small gifts — a handmade rattle crafted from a monkey bone, or a feathered ornament.

“But when we ask questions about their lives in the jungle,” Antonio adds, “they fall silent. They change the subject. They don’t want to tell us where they live.”

A delicate balance of curiosity and caution

The officers are careful not to wear new or colorful clothes — the tribe might try to take them. “We wear old shirts with missing buttons,” says officer Eduardo Pancho. “They seem fascinated by red and green fabric.”

Though some Mashco-Piro now wear T-shirts and shoes given by passing tourists, most still prefer their traditional attire made from plant fibers.

If a familiar face disappears for a while, officers ask about them. “When they say, ‘Don’t ask,’ we understand that person has died,” Antonio explains quietly.

Even after years of cautious interaction, the Peruvian authorities still know very little about their way of life. Scholars believe they are descendants of the Yine people, who fled deeper into the forest during the violent “rubber baron” era in the 19th century — when indigenous populations were enslaved or massacred.

Nomads of the lost forest

The Mashco-Piro appear to be semi-nomadic hunter-gatherers, moving every few months once the nearby area’s game and fruits are exhausted.

“They build temporary camps, hunt with bows, and gather wild honey,” Antonio says. “Once they’ve used up the area, they vanish — only to appear again somewhere else.”

According to Fenamad’s data, over 100 members have been sighted over the years. They often request food but disappear again for months or even years.

“They simply say, ‘I’ll return soon,’ and then they’re gone,” says Akise. “Some of them never do.”

While the Mashco-Piro of the Manu Reserve remain relatively safe, threats loom large. The Peruvian government has proposed a new road that would connect the reserve to a mining zone — a potential disaster for the tribe’s future.

“Roads bring outsiders, diseases, and deforestation,” says Akise. “For the Mashco-Piro, a road is not progress — it’s extinction.”

Do they want to join the modern world?

“They don’t want to be part of us,” Antonio admits. “They don’t want civilization.”

He pauses. “Maybe their children will — in ten or twenty years, when they see clothes or boats. But the elders? No. They want the forest, the silence, their way of life.”

In 2016, Peru’s Congress approved a bill to expand the Mashco-Piro protected zone to include Nueva Oceania. But the law has yet to be enacted.

For now, villagers like Thomas live between two worlds — modern enough to hear the hum of generators, yet close enough to sense the heartbeat of the forest.

“We just want them to live freely,” he says. “They were at peace for generations. Now the forest that kept them safe is being destroyed.”

A fragile coexistence

At dusk, Thomas walks to the same clearing where he first saw the Mashco-Piro. He whistles softly again.

“If they answer,” he says, “we leave. That’s our rule.”

But this time, the only response is the hum of insects and the distant rumble of chainsaws.

“The forest is changing,” Thomas murmurs. “And they — they are disappearing with it.”

Sources:

  • BBC World Service & BBC Mundo reports (2024–2025)

  • Survival International report on Uncontacted Tribes (2025)

  • Fenamad Indigenous Rights Organization

  • Peru Ministry of Culture archives

  • Freedom at Midnight by Dominique Lapierre and Larry Collins (contextual reference)

  • The National Interest, Paradise Lost: The Ordeal of the Amazon Tribes

  • Interviews compiled from Nueva Oceania residents and field reports

The 1947 Kashmir Invasion: How Tribal Fighters, British Maps, and Political Decisions Shaped the Fate of Jammu & Kashmir

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As the sun rose over the misty valley of Kashmir on October 27, 1947, its light cut through the morning haze when a Dakota aircraft took off from Delhi’s Willingdon Airfield. After a three-and-a-half-hour flight, it landed at Budgam airbase, near Srinagar, carrying 15 armed soldiers on board.

At 9:30 a.m., the arrival of these troops from the 1st Battalion of the Sikh Regiment marked a historic turning point — it was the moment India officially deployed its army into the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Historian Alastair Lamb, in his book Birth of a Tragedy: Kashmir 1947, writes that this was the formal beginning of the conflict between India and Pakistan, a dispute that remains unresolved to this day.

For more than two months after the August 15 deadline, Maharaja Hari Singh had failed to make a decision about the future of his state — whether to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent.

The Invasion and the Accession: How the Kashmir Conflict Began

According to historian Alexander Rose, given its Muslim-majority population and its geographical proximity to Pakistan, there were strong reasons to believe that Kashmir would naturally become a part of Pakistan after the partition of British India.

However, India maintains that it only sent troops into Kashmir on October 27, 1947, in response to the invasion by Pakistani tribal fighters on October 22 and following the formal request for military assistance from the then Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, Hari Singh, after he had signed the Instrument of Accession with India.

At that time, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, India’s Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, had assigned the task of integrating princely states into India to Vappala Pangunni Menon (V.P. Menon).

In his book The Story of the Integration of the Indian States, V.P. Menon claims that the main attacking force consisted of “between 5,000 and 6,000 Afridis, Wazirs, Mehsuds, Swatis, and other frontier tribesmen, along with a number of ‘on-leave’ Pakistani soldiers.”

He further writes that these forces, traveling in “200 to 300 trucks,” were “led by a few regular military officers familiar with the terrain of Kashmir” and advanced from Abbottabad in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) along the Jhelum Valley Road toward Kashmir.

Andrew Whitehead, in his extensively researched book A Mission in Kashmir, also details this tribal invasion, describing the chaos, violence, and the rapid advance toward Muzaffarabad and Baramulla. However, he notes that there is no direct evidence of the formal involvement of the Pakistani Army in the operation at that stage — suggesting that the invasion was semi-organized, not a state-declared military intervention.

This tribal offensive ultimately became the triggering event that pulled both newly independent nations — India and Pakistan — into their first war over Kashmir, a conflict that continues to shape South Asia’s geopolitics to this day.

Tribal militias waiting for trucks and weapons to march toward Kashmir
Tribal militias waiting for trucks and weapons to march toward Kashmir

When the tribal chief Fakir of Appi prevented his followers from going to Kashmir for “jihad,” the Pir of Wana offered the services of his followers, saying they would “act alongside Pakistan at this crucial moment in the history of Islam.”

The Pir of Wana — who was nicknamed the “Baghdadi Pir” — told Margaret Parton of the New York Herald Tribune in an interview that if Kashmir became part of India, “we will bring one million tribesmen to Kashmir for jihad.”

He also said that “if we are not allowed to pass through Pakistan, we will move north through the mountains of Chitral.”

“We will go with our rifles and guns and save our Muslim brethren from the whim of the Hindu Maharaja,” he said.

Similarly, the Pir of Manki Sharif also preached “jihad in Kashmir.” He was a local leader of the Muslim League and played a major role in campaigning for the NWFP’s (then Province of the Frontier) accession to Pakistan. He had about 200,000 followers, spread beyond any single locality.

Whitehead writes that the rebellion “was being linked to the territory of Pakistan but the leaders of the new nation could not give them support through their regular armed forces.”

Sir George Cunningham, the Governor of the Frontier Province, recorded in his diary (now in the British Library) the growing alarm: “I have warned everyone — Afridis and Mehmuds among them — that this could lead to a war between India and Pakistan.”

But Cunningham’s warning had no effect. The provincial Chief Minister Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan privately declared that he supported the armed men going to Kashmir, although he agreed that the police and other officials should not be involved in the operation.

A member of the Muslim National Guard, Khurshid Anwar, wrote that D-Day had been set for Tuesday, October 21, but was postponed until the following morning. In several historical accounts, Khurshid Anwar is described as the military commander of the attack on the Valley.

Maharaja Hari Singh, whose Dogra dynasty had ruled over Jammu and Kashmir for nearly a century
Maharaja Hari Singh, whose Dogra dynasty had ruled over Jammu and Kashmir for nearly a century.

Later, he told Dawn newspaper that he had four thousand men with him and that they faced no significant resistance as they advanced deep into Kashmiri territory.

On the other hand, the State Forces of Kashmir offered limited resistance, as a large number of Muslim soldiers from Poonch had already deserted their ranks.

However, Whitehead writes that the initial uprising against the Maharaja was local in nature and had no tribal involvement whatsoever.

“The Maharaja of Kashmir had gained a poor reputation because of his treatment of his Muslim subjects… The State Forces were accused of atrocities against Muslims in the Jammu region. Above all, his delay in deciding which dominion to join had intensified suspicions that Kashmir was leaning toward India — despite its geography and Muslim majority pointing toward Pakistan.”

He further writes:

“The region of Poonch, located northwest of Jammu but outside the Kashmir Valley, had its own grievances — particularly over loss of local authority and heavy taxation. Around 60,000 men from this area had served in the Second World War, and many of the Maharaja’s soldiers were recruited from here. By late August 1947, the rebellion against the Maharaja had already taken root.”

Quoting one of the leaders of this movement, Whitehead notes:

“By late September 1947, we had gained considerable territory. I was then administering it from my own district of Poonch. The State Forces were fighting against their own people. No one had yet come from across the border.”

In the nearby area of Rawalakot, Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan, a lawyer in Srinagar and a prominent leader of the pro-Pakistan Muslim Conference, escaped from the state, settled in Murree, Pakistan, and — with the help of soldiers who had deserted the Maharaja’s army — launched an armed struggle against the Dogra regime.

According to Whitehead’s account, as early as September 1947, Brigadier Akbar Khan, who was then serving as the Director of Weapons and Equipment at the Pakistan Army Headquarters, established contact in Murree with Sardar Ibrahim Khan and several others.

“It appears,” writes Whitehead, “that Akbar Khan decided on his own initiative to support the pro-Pakistan uprising in Poonch. According to Akbar Khan himself, he assisted by providing four thousand military rifles that had originally been sanctioned for release to the Punjab Police. He also supplied a large consignment of old ammunition, which had been declared obsolete and was scheduled to be dumped at sea.”

By late October 1947, Sardar Ibrahim Khan was appointed as the President of the Provisional Government of the Pakistan-administered region of Jammu and Kashmir, marking the beginning of a new political and military phase in the unfolding Kashmir conflict.

Britain wanted the princely states themselves to decide whether they wished to join India, join Pakistan, or remain independent.
Britain wanted the princely states themselves to decide whether they wished to join India, join Pakistan, or remain independent.

Whitehead notes that while both Abdul Qayyum Khan and Akbar Khan may have disagreed on who initiated the uprising, they shared the same opinion regarding the limited involvement of the tribal fighters.

According to Abdul Qayyum Khan, “The movement suffered greatly because those tribesmen were uncontrollable.”

“When they entered my area, an entire village was vacated to accommodate them, and guards were posted around it. I did not allow them to participate in the fighting. But elsewhere in the state, they caused considerable damage.”

“Because of their lack of discipline, they resorted to looting. Each tribe had its own commander. The Wazirs and Mehsuds, in particular, would not listen to anyone. In Muzaffarabad, I even exchanged fire with them myself.”

At first, the tribal forces may have believed that they would reach their objective — the Kashmiri capital, Srinagar, about 100 miles from Muzaffarabad — in time to celebrate Eid there on October 26, 1947.

Whitehead writes that their advance did not stop at Baramulla. Even after October 27, as hundreds of Indian troops arrived daily by air, the tribesmen managed to reach within a few miles of central Srinagar and the airstrip itself.

In his book Raiders in Kashmir, Akbar Khan wrote:

“They (the tribesmen) first appeared out of the deep fog that hung over the Kashmir Valley. They moved silently, cautiously, yet easily and in darkness. It was midnight on October 29, 1947. After entering the state with lightning speed, they covered 115 miles in five days, and were now only four miles away from the twinkling lights of Srinagar.”

“As the attackers advanced, they began to encounter the streams and waterways surrounding Srinagar. Eventually, it seemed the only way forward was to take the direct road.”

Sardar Ibrahim Khan later remarked that “they could not be expected to fight, capture, and then hold territory. When the tribal lashkars retreated from Srinagar, there were no troops to occupy and secure the evacuated areas.”

“The first Indian troops arrived by air,” he added, “and once war broke out with Pakistan, reinforcements began pouring in through Gurdaspur.”

According to historian Alexander Rose, Kashmir, with its population of 1.4 million Muslims, located at the southern crossroads between India and Pakistan, was destined — by both geography and religion — to be part of Pakistan.

However, during the partition of India, Sir Cyril Radcliffe, who was responsible for demarcating the borders, awarded only the Shakargarh tehsil to Pakistan, while the rest went to India. By giving Pathankot tehsil to India, he effectively granted India a land route to Kashmir — a decision that would alter the subcontinent’s history forever.

The award named after Sir Cyril Radcliffe was made public only after August 15, 1947.
The award named after Sir Cyril Radcliffe was made public only after August 15, 1947.

If you look at the wooden board in the courtroom of the Deputy Commissioner of India’s northeastern district of Gurdaspur, which lists the officers who served there from 1852 to 1947, you will find that the shortest tenure belongs to Mushtaq Ahmed Cheema, who served for only three days before Chunnilal became the Deputy Commissioner — that is, before Gurdaspur became part of India on August 17, 1947.

Explaining this brief posting, journalist Jupinderjit Singh wrote in The Tribune India that until August 17, 1947, it was widely believed that this Muslim-majority district of Punjab would fall within Pakistan’s borders.

During British rule, Gurdaspur district was part of the Lahore Division, consisting of its four tehsils — Gurdaspur, Batala, Shakargarh, and Pathankot.

Dominique Lapierre and Larry Collins, in their book Freedom at Midnight, wrote that without Gurdaspur, India would not have had a viable land access route to Kashmir.

In his article Paradise Lost: The Ordeal of Kashmir for The National Interest, Alexander Rose wrote that Radcliffe later explained that factors such as “disruption in railway, communication, and water systems” undermined the basic claims of contiguous majority areas.

“But Pakistan believed that Nehru persuaded Mountbatten to pressure Radcliffe into altering the boundary.”

According to Rose, in 1992, Christopher Beaumont — the last surviving British official with deep knowledge of the partition process and Radcliffe’s private secretary — revealed that Radcliffe had originally awarded two contiguous tehsils to Pakistan, but during lunch, Mountbatten got the Radcliffe Award changed.

Rose further noted that India maintains its army did not mobilize until the Maharaja voluntarily signed the Instrument of Accession as the price of Delhi’s swift intervention. On October 27, as troops arrived at Srinagar airfield by air and moved forward to “defeat the raiders,” Mountbatten formally accepted the Maharaja’s decision, and Kashmir officially became part of India.

“But Pakistanis ask how Hari Singh could have signed the document on October 26 when it is known that he was traveling by motorcade from Srinagar to his winter capital Jammu that day, and thus was out of contact. Therefore, Indian troops were already advancing toward Kashmir before the document was signed or accepted, suggesting that the Maharaja’s consent was obtained under pressure.”

Wighthead and Prem Shankar Jha are among the writers who have expressed doubt about the legitimacy of the accession.

In Mountbatten’s letter accepting the Instrument of Accession, he wrote, “It is my Government’s wish that, as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of invaders, the question of the State’s accession should be settled by a reference to the people.”

Following the ceasefire, in addition to UN resolutions supporting Kashmiris’ right to self-determination, Nehru himself announced his intention for a plebiscite on multiple occasions.

Rose wrote that initially, India was willing to hold such a plebiscite but later abandoned the idea upon realizing that the non-Hindu majority was unlikely to vote in its favor.

Why Did the Tribal Fighters Fail?

In his book Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris, Christopher Snedden writes that after October 26, 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh rapidly lost significance in the growing dispute between India, the Indian administration of Jammu and Kashmir, and his own former princely state.

A similar situation, Snedden notes, befell the tribal raiders. According to Andrew Whitehead, despite India flying in hundreds of troops daily after October 27, the tribal forces managed to advance to within a few miles of Srinagar’s city center and the airstrip.

About a month after these tribal fighters were driven out of the Kashmir Valley, Khurshid Anwar, a member of the Muslim National Guard, was being treated for his injuries at a hospital in Karachi. Speaking to Dawn newspaper, he complained that the Pakistani government’s inaction had been a major obstacle to their efforts in Kashmir.

Whitehead writes that Khurshid Anwar was “deeply bitter against the government of Pakistan for its failure to assist the tribesmen in their brave attempt to seize Srinagar.”

Later, in Karachi, Khurshid Anwar reportedly discussed the grave shortcomings of the tribal forces with a British expert on the North-West Frontier. “He was very harsh on the Mehsud tribesmen,” Whitehead notes, “whom he blamed for both the worst atrocities and the disastrous delay in the initial attack.”

Snedden further explains that “the Pashtuns were good fighters but were also extremely undisciplined.”

“Immediately after entering Jammu and Kashmir on October 22, 1947, instead of advancing directly toward Srinagar to capture it, the tribesmen became engaged in looting and killing. Many foreigners were also caught in the violence, which India effectively used in the international press to its advantage. By the time the Pashtuns finally reached the outskirts of Srinagar on October 27–28, 1947, the Indian Army had secured the city’s airport and taken up defensive positions to hold off the advancing tribesmen until reinforcements arrived.”

The Indian soldiers’ initial mission was to secure the Srinagar airfield and prevent it from falling into the hands of the Pashtun raiders. “They achieved both objectives,” Snedden writes. “The swift arrival of Indian troops in Srinagar and their success in securing the city ended the slow, looting-obsessed advance of the Pashtuns, whose chance to capture the summer capital was lost.”

In the following days, Snedden notes, India used aerial bombardment to drive the Pashtun fighters out of the Kashmir Valley.

However, he adds that west of Uri, in the Muzaffarabad tehsil, the more disciplined Azad forces successfully resisted the Indian Army. “It was because of the capabilities of these Azad troops,” he writes, “that some Indians came to believe that the Pakistani Army was already supporting them — but that was not the case.”

According to Snedden, “The Pakistan Army formally entered Jammu and Kashmir in May 1948 to assist the Azad forces — marking the beginning of the first war between Pakistan and India.”

Sources:

  • BBC Archives: The 1947 Tribal Invasion of Kashmir

  • “Freedom at Midnight” by Dominique Lapierre and Larry Collins

  • The National InterestParadise Lost: The Ordeal of Kashmir by Alexander Rose

  • “Raiders in Kashmir” by Brigadier Akbar Khan

  • W. G. Whitehead Papers, British Colonial Records

  • Tribune India Historical Reports

  • United Nations Resolutions on the Kashmir Dispute (1948–1949)