The people of Gilgit-Baltistan remain trapped in a constitutional limbo—administered by Pakistan but denied genuine autonomy, while their vast natural resources fuel Islamabad’s economy and Beijing’s strategic ambitions.
Elections Delayed, Democracy Denied
The much-anticipated Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly elections, announced for January 2024, have been postponed indefinitely due to severe weather conditions. The Election Commission has indicated these polls may now be held in April or May. Yet for the 1.8 to 2.2 million residents of this disputed mountainous region, the delay merely extends their wait for a representative government that remains constitutionally powerless.
This vast territory—home to some of the world’s largest glaciers and freshwater reserves—faces an acute energy crisis that exposes the hollowness of its “provisional provincial” status. Like its predecessor, the current caretaker administration has failed spectacularly to resolve the electricity shortage, and there is little indication that future governments will fare any better.
A Constitutional Anomaly: Administered but Not Integrated
Gilgit-Baltistan exists in a unique constitutional vacuum. While displayed nominally as a “provisional province,” the source of authority remains Islamabad, not the people of Gilgit-Baltistan. Since 2009, the region has been governed through executive orders issued by the President of Pakistan—the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order—substantially amended in 2018 as the Gilgit-Baltistan Order.
This arrangement represents a continuation of colonial governance structures. Previously, the territory was controlled through the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR)—a draconian colonial-era legal framework—administered by a Political Agent. Gradually, some democratic rights were restored, but the neo-colonial grip has remained firmly intact, justified by Gilgit-Baltistan’s strategic location and immense natural wealth.
Following the partition of the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan divided its administered portion into two distinct entities. While Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) was granted its own constitution and limited self-government, Gilgit-Baltistan was subjected to direct federal control through the FCR system. This divergence in governance models has persisted for over seven decades.
The Islamabad Connection: Remote-Controlled Politics
A persistent pattern defines Gilgit-Baltistan’s political landscape: the party ruling in Islamabad invariably forms the government in Gilgit-Baltistan. Overnight, political parties establish themselves in this region and secure electoral victories that mirror federal power dynamics.
The 2020 Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly elections saw Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) achieve unprecedented success. However, when PTI’s federal government collapsed, the Gilgit-Baltistan administration met the same fate as its counterpart in Muzaffarabad. While the AJK government fell due to its Prime Minister’s contempt of court conviction, the Gilgit-Baltistan government collapsed when its Chief Minister was disqualified over a fake degree.
Remarkably, both territories witnessed identical political maneuvers: forward blocs emerged from within PTI, and new governments were formed using PTI’s defecting members—backed by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) coalition ruling in Islamabad. In both assemblies, the same individuals who voted to form the government were appointed Leader of the Opposition, while government-makers occupied opposition benches. This theatrical arrangement exposes the scripted nature of regional politics.
Strategic Assets, Human Neglect
In this neo-colonial power game, Gilgit-Baltistan’s land, glaciers, water resources, minerals, and its position as the gateway to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) receive meticulous attention. The human beings inhabiting this territory, however, remain an afterthought.
Official statistics place Gilgit-Baltistan’s population at 1.8 million, though some estimates suggest 2.2 million. Regardless of the figure, these people endure harsh living conditions that belie the region’s resource wealth:
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Extreme temperatures dropping to minus 20°C during severe winters
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Electricity availability restricted to 1-2 hours per day in 24-hour cycles
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Forced dependence on alternative energy sources, primarily forest resources
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Environmental degradation from burning wood and gas for heating, creating severe carbon emissions and ecological crisis
Despite covering 72,496 square kilometers, merely 2.5% of the area is forested, yet this limited resource bears the entire burden of energy substitution for the population.
Development Indicators: A Grim Picture
Government facilities for the population remain virtually non-existent:
| Indicator |
Status |
| Literacy Rate |
57% overall; below 52% for women |
| Healthcare Infrastructure |
Only 28 hospitals across the vast territory |
| Medical Personnel |
622 doctors and 829 nurses total |
| Cultivable Land |
Merely 2% of total area |
| Female Population |
Declining proportion (48% vs. 52% male) due to harsh conditions |
In Diamer-Astore Division, tacit restrictions on girls’ education persist in majority areas. The difficult living conditions for women have resulted in a continuously declining female population ratio.
Beyond mining, tourism, and subsistence agriculture, employment opportunities are virtually non-existent. Consequently, a significant portion of Gilgit-Baltistan’s population is forced into economic migration to various cities across Pakistan.
Systematic Resource Expropriation
Government policies focus not on developing existing resources but on seizing them from local populations:
Land Reforms: Dispossession by Decree
The Land Reforms Act enables the government to take over village lands and lease them to external parties. This threatens to deprive communities of even wood access, while electricity remains unavailable.
Mining Concessions: Profits Diverted
Previously, mining investors were required to share profits with local villages. New legislation eliminates this obligation, further marginalizing resident populations.
Tourism Monopolization
Tourism represents significant potential: in 2023 alone, approximately 900,000 domestic tourists and over 12,000 foreign visitors traveled to Gilgit-Baltistan, excluding those visiting for glacier expeditions and trophy hunting. However, all major tourist centers have been transferred to Green Tourism Company—an entity operating under military oversight. The Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation’s entire infrastructure has similarly been handed over to this company.
In other words, this revenue stream has been captured by the state elite through indirect means, leaving nothing for Gilgit-Baltistan’s residents.
The Scale of Resource Wealth
Gilgit-Baltistan’s natural resource endowment is staggering:
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Hydropower Potential: Over 45,000 megawatts of electricity generation capacity
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Mineral Extraction: Approximately 15,000 tons annually under current conditions, set to expand dramatically under new legislation
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Land Alienation: According to local media and Revenue Department estimates:
Large-scale allocation of land to non-local individuals—particularly foreign investors—and leasing of mountains continues rapidly. Gradually, local populations are being prevented from accessing lands they have utilized for centuries.
The Rubber Stamp Assembly
As preparations for elections continue, the outcome is predetermined: parties controlling power in Islamabad will once again form the government. However, this assembly possesses no genuine legislative authority—the final power to enact laws rests with the Prime Minister of Pakistan.
Even if elected independently, this assembly’s role would extend no further than that of a rubber stamp.
Resistance and the Struggle for Rights
Despite these constraints, Gilgit-Baltistan has witnessed prolonged, patience-testing struggles for resource control and constitutional, political, and democratic freedoms. This resistance continues in various forms today.
State retaliation against political and human rights activists has intensified through Fourth Schedule designations and other repressive legal instruments. Nevertheless, the struggle for restoration of popular rights continues with consistency.
Young people in Gilgit-Baltistan increasingly participate in serious discussions and dialogues regarding:
The search for alternatives persists. The thirst for change exists. The potential for expansion in coming days is significant.
The Path Forward: Rights, Resources, and Self-Determination
The struggle for economic, political, and cultural rights in Gilgit-Baltistan connects to the broader resolution of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. Simultaneously, struggle within Gilgit-Baltistan’s current setup remains imperative.
It is the right and prerogative of Gilgit-Baltistan’s people to:
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Benefit from their region’s resources
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Exercise political and economic empowerment
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Define their political and economic relationship with the Government of Pakistan on their own terms
Fundamental demands include:
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Abolition of colonial laws and methods imposed on Gilgit-Baltistan
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Termination of unrestrained resource plunder
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Priority rights for local populations to benefit from tourism and mineral resources
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Legislative authority for genuine constitutional and law-making powers
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Dissolution of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Gilgit-Baltistan
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Replacement of the Gilgit-Baltistan Order with establishment of a Constituent Assembly for Gilgit-Baltistan
Ultimately, a voluntary federation of all Jammu and Kashmir regions—including Gilgit-Baltistan—forming an independent, sovereign, secular, and socialist Jammu and Kashmir, exercised through the right of self-determination, represents the only path to liberation from scarcity, deprivation, and subjugation for this region’s inhabitants. Such a development could herald a socialist future for all of South Asia.
