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‘Secret Lists’: Journalists in Pakistan-Administered Kashmir Face Covert State Profiling

Noreen Haider
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‘Secret Lists’: Journalists in Pakistan-Administered Kashmir Face Covert State Profiling

The alleged questionnaire provided to Special Branch officials for the secret profiling of journalists in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir has been circulating on social media for the past two days. The spokesperson of the police department has denied collecting any such record and has declared the questionnaire fake. Only a few journalists have personally made the questionnaire public and raised questions about it. However, overall, journalistic organizations and all press clubs have remained completely silent on this matter.

Various citizens—and even journalists—are aware that Special Branch personnel have been busy collecting this record for more than a month. During this period, among the citizens from whom information was sought regarding journalists, some of them shared the details, while others informed journalists that their personal information was being collected. It should also be noted that this questionnaire was also obtained by some journalists from police sources and then made public on social media. Thus, it is clear that even if denials continue, the data is nevertheless being collected.

What is the questionnaire?

Titled “Secret Report Regarding Journalists”, this alleged questionnaire given to Special Branch officials asks for personal details such as name, father’s name, caste, residence, temporary address, education, professional education or skills; previous family background, including details up to ancestors; current number of family members, marital status, children, etc.; where the children are studying—school, college, university, or academy—and the means by which they travel; living patterns; house, vehicles, property, etc.; means of livelihood apart from journalism; and details of professional affiliations.

The most interesting information requested includes the character of the journalist, what their weaknesses are, what their general reputation is, whether or not they engage in blackmail, whether they are registered or unregistered as journalists, whom they have connections with, which government offices or intelligence agencies they have links with, whether they work for someone or conduct independent journalism. Along with this, details of religious, sectarian, and political affiliations are also requested.

Is this practice according to human rights standards?

In fact, this is an open violation of human rights. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international freedom-of-expression guidelines, collecting details about journalists’ families, spouses’ and children’s education, income, employment; their families’ political or religious inclinations; the list of journalists’ friends, relations, and contacts; details of their relationships with government institutions; unrelated sources of income; and all private-life details—including travel, property, marital relations, etc.—is considered illegal, unethical, and against press freedom. This practice falls under the category of surveillance.

According to internationally recognized human rights principles, this act is considered a violation of any citizen’s right to freedom of expression and the right to privacy. Such actions create fear among journalists, preventing them from reporting freely. Similarly, such measures are considered unnecessary and illegal interference in private life.

Constitutional and legal protections in Pakistan and Jammu & Kashmir

In Pakistan and in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir, the state—at least on paper—has granted all citizens these rights, which are openly being violated by the state itself. In the past, circulars regarding profiling based on political ideology have surfaced. This time, the profiling of journalists has emerged.

However, under the Constitution of Pakistan and the Interim Constitution enforced in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir, Act 1974, this practice is a violation of the right to privacy and a violation of freedom of the press. Various courts have also issued multiple decisions on this matter, stating that the state cannot interfere in the private life of any citizen without justification. No institution has the legal authority to collect information of this scale unless there is justification related to national security, terrorism, etc. But even in such situations, profiling an entire community, profession, or ideological group is not permissible.

The state or any institution can only obtain from any citizen the information necessary for its functioning or for the enforcement of the law. However, collecting any information from a citizen without their permission or without informing them is illegal, unconstitutional, and a serious violation of human rights. Collecting information through a secret form is an illegal act that should not be accepted under any circumstances.

Silence of journalistic organization

For the last three days, this secret profiling questionnaire has been circulating on social media. Some journalists were already aware of it. However, despite all this, the leaders of journalistic organizations and press clubs have not issued any reaction so far. This indicates that either the leadership of journalistic organizations is unaware of the sensitivity of this matter and of basic human rights, or they have abandoned their responsibilities to protect journalists’ rights, or they have silently decided to bow their heads before the state.

Is the police denial sufficient?

The manner in which the police spokesperson denied and expressed disassociation when the questionnaire surfaced indicates that law-enforcement agencies are also taking this matter extremely lightly. If the police and law-enforcement agencies are not collecting this data, then who prepared the secret questionnaire for collecting this data? How did it reach social media, and most importantly, for whom are Special Branch officials collecting information about journalists through this questionnaire? It is the responsibility of the police to find answers to all these questions.

If the police spokesperson and responsible officials understood the sensitivity of this matter and their responsibilities, they would have stated in the press release that the issue would be investigated and all details would be presented before journalists. They would have also clarified that this practice is illegal and that the police work according to the law and the constitution. However, this was not done.

Therefore, those responsible for issuing the orders for profiling must immediately be exposed. Whoever formulated this unconstitutional and illegal policy at the official level must be identified, and it must also be explained why such a need arose. The collected record must be destroyed immediately. Any actions that affect citizens’ fundamental rights, intrude into their private lives, or involve surveillance must be halted immediately. The constitutional rights of freedom of the press and freedom of expression must be upheld.

In the end, the leaders of journalistic organizations should show some dignity and make an effort to do justice to their profession and the positions they hold positions they currently use mainly for making money, building connections, and above all, boasting about making and toppling governments.

Islamabad: Kashmiri Students Attacked by Islami Jamiat Talaba at International Islamic University

The Azadi Times
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Islamabad: Kashmiri Students Attacked by Islami Jamiat Talaba at International Islamic University

Muzaffarabad, (PaJK) — Students of the Jammu and Kashmir Students’ Organization (JKSO) were attacked by members of Islami Jamiat Talaba (IJT) at the International Islamic University in Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad. Reports indicate that the attackers assaulted the students, confiscating Pakistani-administered Kashmir flags and literature during a study circle.

JKSO leaders said hundreds of IJT activists, armed with sticks and iron rods, targeted them solely because of their Kashmiri identity. Several students were reportedly injured in the attack.

According to a press release by JKSO, the study circle was organized to discuss “The Revocation of Article 370 and 35A by India and the Future Challenges for Kashmir”. The release demanded immediate and strict action against the perpetrators.

The incident highlights ongoing tensions between student organizations at IIU, where IJT, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, has maintained a long-standing dominant presence. Other student groups attempting to operate independently have reportedly faced harassment and violence.

Interestingly, leadership positions in IJT at the university are also held by members from Jammu and Kashmir, while a significant portion of the attackers were reportedly from the same region.

Observers say that recent years have seen increased targeting of Kashmiri students and activists in Pakistan, often backed by extremist groups with alleged tacit approval from certain state actors. Analysts warn that such actions aim to suppress voices advocating for Kashmir’s rights and to foster divisions along ethnic and political lines.

Two years ago, a similar incident occurred at Quaid-i-Azam University, where several Kashmiri students were violently attacked, indicating a worrying pattern of targeting Kashmiri students in Pakistani universities.

JKSO has pledged to continue its work for Kashmiri students’ rights and has called on university authorities and the government to ensure the safety and protection of students on campus.

Cheap Electricity but Crippling Load-Shedding in Pakistan-Administered Jammu & Kashmir

The Azadi Times
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Cheap Electricity but Crippling Load-Shedding in Pakistan-Administered Jammu & Kashmir

Despite a remarkable reduction in electricity tariffs following the recent mass movement for civil rights in Pakistan-administered Jammu & Kashmir (PAJK), residents are now enduring unprecedented levels of load-shedding. The public movement had demanded not only electricity at production cost but also exemption from power cuts, the establishment of a local grid station, and the transfer of transmission responsibilities from Pakistan’s distribution companies to the local government.

However, while electricity prices were reduced, the remaining key demands remain unaddressed. Instead, power outages have increased several-fold, raising serious concerns about the region’s collapsing transmission and distribution system.

Department Claims Consumption Surge — But Official Budget Data Tells a Different Story

In a recent press release, the Electricity Department claimed that overall power consumption, which previously peaked at around 350 MW in extreme summer or winter months, has now surged to 570 MW — nearly 40% higher than historical usage.

The department further asserted that between May and October this year, 5,056 transformers burned out, allegedly due to excessive load on feeders, forcing upgrades costing 1.6 billion rupees.

The spokesperson once again appealed to consumers to “reduce usage,” blaming extensive use of air-conditioners and electric heaters (being used for cooking as well) for the surge in demand and the resulting strain on the system.

However, budget documents contradict these claims.

According to official records, after electricity tariffs were reduced last year, consumption increased from 354 MW to 427 MW, marking a 20% rise, not 40%.

For nearly two decades, the region’s electricity demand had remained stagnant because citizens increasingly shifted to alternative energy sources due to high prices. A 20% rise, therefore, is significant but nowhere near the department’s public claims.

Revenue Collection Claims Also Disputed

The department accused residents of failing to deposit electricity bills and claimed no improvement in revenue collection. Yet, official budget documents again challenge this narrative.

Before tariff reductions, PAJK paid 5.2 billion rupees to WAPDA for electricity. Last fiscal year, the government paid around 7 billion rupees for power purchases.

Revenue Collected Through Electricity Sales:

  • 2022–23: 20 billion rupees collected

  • 2023–24 Target: 25 billion rupees

  • Actual 2023–24 Collection: 15 billion rupees (due to bill boycott movement)

Even with drastically reduced tariffs —
3–6 rupees per unit for domestic and 10–25 rupees for commercial users — the department purchased electricity worth 7 billion rupees and sold it for 15 billion rupees.

This indicates a decline of only 25% in revenue despite prices falling by more than half, which disproves the department’s claim of “no improvement” in bill collection.

Government data further shows that PAJK earned 3 billion rupees in profit from electricity this year alone.

A Crumbling Transmission System Exposed

Experts say the real crisis is not increased consumption but the severely outdated and neglected transmission network.

Power transmission systems require a built-in capacity margin to handle seasonal demand spikes:

  • Transmission lines: 20–25% extra capacity

  • Distribution system: 25–30% extra capacity

  • Grid stations: at least 20% reserve margin

For a region with an average requirement of 354 MW, its system should comfortably handle 450 MW.
The fact that even a 20% increase caused thousands of transformers to fail highlights decades of neglect.

Instead of acknowledging this structural collapse, the department has shifted the blame onto consumers, who are using — for the first time in years — an amount of electricity closer to their actual needs.

The Mangla Paradox: Local Power Sent to Islamabad Before Returning to Kashmir

One of the most controversial aspects of electricity supply in PAJK is the way power generated from Mangla Dam and other local hydel projects is routed:

  1. Electricity is first sent to Pakistan’s national grid in Islamabad.

  2. From there, it travels through Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

  3. It is then sent back to PAJK via Pakistani distribution companies.

For decades, these companies have received 108 billion rupees annually under “tariff differential subsidy” for this back-and-forth transmission.
For the coming fiscal year, 74 billion rupees have again been allocated under this category.

Civil rights groups argue this circular transmission model is deliberately maintained to justify massive subsidies and potential corruption within distribution companies and bureaucratic networks.

Why a Local Grid Station Is Critical

Experts insist that with an investment of just 3–5 billion rupees, the transmission infrastructure in PAJK can be upgraded enough to:

  • Establish a local grid station in Muzaffarabad or Mirpur

  • Route local hydel power directly to PAJK consumers

  • Supply excess electricity to the national grid afterward

  • Eliminate unnecessary long-distance transmission losses

  • End the subsidy-driven loopholes benefiting powerful lobbies

Such a model would not only end load-shedding but also provide stable, low-cost power to households and local businesses.

The Bigger Picture: A System Rotting for Decades

The current crisis exposes long-term structural decay:

  • No modernization of transformers or feeders

  • No expansion of grid capacity

  • No long-term planning for rising demand

  • No investment in underground or modern transmission systems

Experts argue that while comprehensive reform — including planned housing, underground lines, and modern distribution — is urgently needed, even minor investments in transformers, feeders, and grid maintenance can ensure cheap and uninterrupted electricity.

Yet, the department appears unwilling to acknowledge its own failure, preferring instead to blame ordinary citizens for using electricity after decades of deprivation.

Eva Hyatt: The Author Empowering a Generation to Know Their Rights

The Azadi Times
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Eva Hyatt: The Author Empowering a Generation to Know Their Rights

KINGSTON / NEW YORK — In a world where the rights of children are often relegated to dry legal documents or reactive crisis interventions, a quiet but potent revolution is being seeded through the pages of children’s books. At the helm of this movement is Eva Hyatt, a Jamaican-American author, certified human rights consultant, and educator who is systematically dismantling the notion that concepts like dignity, equality, and justice are too complex for young minds.

Hyatt’s mission is both simple and profound: to ensure every child knows their 30 fundamental human rights as outlined in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. But her methodology is where the genius lies. She wields storytelling not as a mere diversion, but as a primary pedagogical tool to foster empathy, resilience, and an unshakeable sense of self-worth from the earliest ages.

“We teach children their ABCs and numbers to prepare them for the world of academia. Why, then, do we so often neglect to teach them the foundational language of their own humanity—their rights?” This question, implicit in all of Hyatt’s work, drives a comprehensive ecosystem of change that spans literature, structured curricula, and community engagement through her Queen of the Road Foundation, Inc.

The challenge of human rights education has always been one of translation. How does one convey the spirit of Article 12 (the right to express an opinion) or Article 19 (the right to be protected from violence) to a six-year-old? Hyatt’s answer is found in her growing catalogue of publications under her imprint, Books by Eva Hyatt.

Titles like Human Rights for Kids: Everyone Matters and the Human Rights Adventures series do not simply list rights; they embed them in relatable narratives. A story about a character being listened to by adults becomes a lesson in Article 12. A tale of a child finding safety and care illustrates Article 19. This narrative approach moves learning from the cognitive to the affective domain. Children don’t just know their rights; they feel them through the struggles and triumphs of the characters they befriend.

“When a child connects with a character who is treated unfairly and sees that character advocate for themselves, it creates a cognitive blueprint,” explains a child development psychologist consulted for this article. “It’s a form of experiential learning through proxy. The story provides the safe space to explore complex social contracts, making the abstract tangibly just.”

This is complemented by titles like Taking Care of You, which focuses on self-worth and emotional well-being—cornerstones for understanding that rights begin with the self. A child who understands their own inherent dignity is better equipped to recognize and challenge its violation.

Beyond the Book: The Architecture of the Queen of the Road Foundation

Recognizing that a book alone cannot reshape an educational paradigm, Hyatt established the Queen of the Road Foundation, Inc. This organization is the operational arm of her vision, designed to bridge the gap between literature and lived experience.

The Foundation’s work is strategically multi-pronged:

Resource Distribution: It provides free, high-quality educational tools for classrooms and homeschool settings. This is a critical equity-based approach, ensuring that under-resourced schools are not left behind in the human rights literacy movement.

Structured Curricula: Beyond supplemental lesson plans, the Foundation offers a more formalized curriculum. This allows educators to integrate human rights education seamlessly into subjects like social studies, literacy, and even civics, providing a scaffolded learning journey from kindergarten through middle school.

Community Projects: Perhaps most impactfully, the Foundation encourages and supports community-based projects. These initiatives—such as community clean-ups (linking to the right to a clean environment, Article 24) or peer mediation programs (linking to the right to peaceful assembly, Article 15)—transform passive learning into active citizenship. Children learn that their rights are not just protections but tools for positive community engagement.

The Consultant’s Edge: Grounding Stories in Substance

What distinguishes Hyatt from many well-intentioned children’s authors is her formal credential as a certified human rights consultant. This is not merely a title; it is the bedrock of her credibility. It ensures that her whimsical stories and engaging activities are anchored in the rigorous principles of international human rights law and pedagogy.

This dual identity allows her to navigate a delicate balance. She possesses the creative flair of a storyteller but operates with the analytical rigor of a consultant. A narrative about sharing is carefully crafted to reflect the principles of non-discrimination (Article 2). A lesson on personal safety is meticulously aligned with the right to protection from violence (Article 19). This prevents the dilution or misinterpretation of core rights, ensuring that the foundational message remains legally and ethically sound.

“In an age of misinformation, having resources that are both accessible and authoritative is paramount,” notes an education officer at a global NGO focused on child protection. “Hyatt’s work fills a crucial niche. It provides a trustworthy conduit between the high-level language of international law and the developmental needs of a child.”

Global Relevance in a Fractured World

While Hyatt’s Jamaican-American heritage informs a unique cultural perspective, her work is inherently universal. The need for rights-based education is a global constant. In regions emerging from conflict, her materials can help rebuild a social fabric based on mutual respect. In stable nations, they can inoculate against the rise of intolerance and bullying by fostering empathy from within.

Her model aligns with several powerful global trends:

The Rise of Social-Emotional Learning (SEL): Educational systems worldwide are recognizing that academic achievement is inextricably linked to emotional intelligence, empathy, and self-regulation. Hyatt’s work is a natural extension of SEL, providing the ethical and legal framework upon which these skills can be built.

The Child Agency Movement: There is a growing recognition of children not as passive recipients of care but as active agents in their own lives. By teaching children their rights, Hyatt directly empowers them with the vocabulary and confidence to participate in decisions that affect them.

Preventative, Not Reactive, Protection: Much of the world’s child protection infrastructure is designed to respond to harm. Hyatt’s work is fundamentally preventative. A child who knows their body is their own (Article 34, protection from sexual exploitation) is more likely to report abuse. A child who knows they have a right to an education (Article 28) is more likely to value it and resist forces that would deny it.

Challenges and the Path Forward

Despite the clarity of her vision, the path to widespread adoption is not without its obstacles. Hyatt’s public profile remains largely within educator and activist circles, lacking the broad media recognition that could catalyze a global movement. Scaling the impact of the Queen of the Road Foundation will depend heavily on forging strategic partnerships with ministries of education, international NGOs like UNICEF and Save the Children, and philanthropic organizations whose mandates align with child empowerment.

Furthermore, in some cultural and political contexts, the very idea of “children’s rights” can be misconstrued as challenging traditional authority or promoting disobedience. Navigating these sensitivities requires a nuanced approach, one that emphasizes how rights are inextricably linked to responsibilities and how they strengthen, rather than weaken, family and community bonds by fostering mutual respect.

Conclusion: A Blueprint for a More Just Future

Eva Hyatt is more than an author; she is an architect of a more rights-conscious future. In a media landscape saturated with content for children, her work stands out for its purposeful depth. She is not just creating readers; she is nurturing advocates, empathists, and citizens.

Her integrated model—blending captivating literature with professional consultancy and a proactive foundation—provides a replicable blueprint for anyone serious about embedding human rights into the bedrock of childhood education. As the global community grapples with persistent inequalities and emerging threats to human dignity, the imperative to raise a generation that not only understands but champions its rights has never been greater. Through her books and her foundation, Eva Hyatt is ensuring that this next generation will not be silent. They will be equipped with the stories, the knowledge, and the conviction to speak their truth and claim their place in a world where, as her work insists, everyone truly matters.

Malayalam Actress Meera Vasudevan Announces Third Divorce, Enters a “Peaceful Chapter” of Life

The Azadi Times
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Malayalam Actress Meera Vasudevan Announces Third Divorce, Enters a “Peaceful Chapter” of Life

South India – Renowned Malayalam actress Meera Vasudevan has officially announced her third divorce, sharing that she is now embracing a peaceful and fulfilling phase of her life.

Meera had married her third husband, cinematographer Vipin Pothenkom, in April 2024. However, she revealed that she has been living a single life since August of this year. Following the separation, Meera has also removed all wedding-related photographs from her social media accounts.

The 43-year-old actress is best known for her performances in popular Malayalam films including “Thanmathra,” “Oruvan,” “Veeram: Fight for Justice,” and “Am Aha.” Her marriage to Vipin reportedly began after they met on the set of a Malayalam series, culminating in a wedding last year in Coimbatore.

Commenting on her divorce, Meera said, “I am now moving through an extremely peaceful and glorious stage of my life,” reflecting her optimism and desire for personal growth after multiple marital experiences.

The announcement has garnered attention across social media platforms, with fans expressing support for her decision and praising her for embracing independence. Meera’s professional work continues to be celebrated in the Malayalam film industry, with her career spanning critically acclaimed roles and mainstream cinema.

This marks a notable chapter in the life of the South Indian star, who has managed to maintain both her professional stature and personal resilience despite personal setbacks.

Bangladesh Orders Return of Sheikh Hasina Amid Death Sentence Controversy; India Responds Cautiously

The Azadi Times
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Bangladesh Orders Return of Sheikh Hasina Amid Death Sentence Controversy; India Responds Cautiously

Dhaka, Bangladesh – In a dramatic turn of events, the National Citizen Party (NCP) convenor Naheed Islam has demanded the return of former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed following a death sentence for crimes against humanity. Addressing the media at the NCP central office in Dhaka, Naheed Islam stated that Sheikh Hasina must be brought back to Bangladesh within a month to ensure the judicial verdict is implemented.

“This is a historic day. Our party welcomes the court’s decision against Sheikh Hasina Wajed,” Islam declared. He added that the ruling provides justice for thousands killed and injured during the July revolution and that the families of victims would finally find peace.

Naheed Islam further emphasized, “We demand that Sheikh Hasina be returned next month, and that this decision be fully enforced.”

India’s Measured Response

Following Bangladesh’s demand for the extradition of Sheikh Hasina, India has issued a careful response, stating that it will maintain constructive communication with all stakeholders. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs confirmed awareness of the tribunal’s ruling but stopped short of committing to any action regarding her return.

“As close neighbors, India remains committed to supporting democracy, peace, inclusion, and stability in Bangladesh,” the ministry said, reflecting India’s cautious diplomatic stance on the sensitive matter.

Extradition Request Amid International Legal Pressure

Bangladesh’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs reiterated that the tribunal found Sheikh Hasina and Asad al-Zaman Khan Kamal guilty of the killings in July. The ministry stated that providing shelter to individuals convicted of crimes against humanity in another country would undermine justice.

“Bangladesh urges the Indian government to immediately hand over both convicted individuals to Bangladeshi authorities,” the ministry said. According to the bilateral extradition treaty between the countries, it is India’s responsibility to ensure the return of the convicted leaders. Despite multiple formal requests, India has yet to respond positively.

Historic Verdict and Calls for Peace

The interim Bangladeshi government, currently led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, described the death sentence as “historic” and significant. However, the government also called for calm, warning that emotions could escalate in light of the ruling. Authorities pledged to suppress any attempts at anarchy or public unrest.

Sheikh Hasina Wajed herself denounced the ruling as “biased and politically motivated,” claiming it was an attempt by the interim government to delegitimize the Awami League as a political force. In a detailed five-page statement, she rejected all allegations and emphasized her administration’s record on human rights and development.

“I have challenged the interim government to take my case to an appropriate tribunal where evidence transparency is ensured,” she said, maintaining her stance against the verdict.

Rising Tensions in Dhaka

Following the announcement, large crowds gathered near Dhan Mandi 32, the residence of Sheikh Hasina’s father, a longstanding center for protests in recent months. Police employed stun grenades to disperse demonstrators, who arrived with bulldozers and shouted slogans calling for the destruction of “fascist bases.”

Bangladesh authorities have ramped up security measures across Dhaka, deploying Rapid Action Battalion forces and Border Guard personnel to manage potential unrest.

Implications for Regional Stability

This case places Bangladesh at the center of a complex regional dilemma, with India balancing diplomatic caution against its treaty obligations. The verdict and ensuing political turmoil are likely to draw international attention, highlighting tensions between justice, political rivalries, and regional diplomacy in South Asia.

As the countdown begins for Sheikh Hasina’s potential return to Bangladesh, the world watches closely how India responds and how Dhaka navigates the delicate balance between enforcing justice and maintaining public order.

Who is Faisal Mumtaz Rathore? Inside the Life of AJK’s Newly Appointed PM

The Azadi Times
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Who is Faisal Mumtaz Rathore? Inside the Life of AJK’s Newly Appointed PM

Muzaffarabad, Azad Kashmir – November 2025: Faisal Mumtaz Rathore, recently nominated as the Prime Minister of Pakistan-administered Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), emerges as a prominent political figure rooted deeply in the region’s history and governance. Born into a family with decades-long political involvement, Rathore’s rise reflects both legacy and personal political acumen.

Faisal Mumtaz Rathore was born on April 11, 1978, in Rawalpindi. He is the son of Mumtaz Rathore, a former Prime Minister of AJK, and Begum Farhat Rathore, a former member of the AJK Legislative Assembly. His family has been closely associated with the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) since its early days in the region, making Rathore a product of both heritage and public expectation.

Rathore’s political journey began in 2006, when he contested his first elections as an independent candidate from LA-17 Haveli Kohota. Initially navigating the political waters independently, he joined the Pakistan Peoples Party in 2011. This transition marked the start of his formal political career, culminating in his election to the AJK Legislative Assembly. He was re-elected in 2021, solidifying his reputation as a trusted representative in his constituency.

Over the years, Rathore has held critical ministerial portfolios, including Minister for Local Government and Rural Development. During the 2023 public protests led by the AJK Public Action Committee, he was appointed head of the government’s negotiation committee, taking a central role in mediating between authorities and activist groups. His involvement in these negotiations reinforced his image as a pragmatic and approachable leader who balances political strategy with public engagement.

Despite Rathore’s qualifications and lineage, his nomination as Prime Minister has sparked debate on social media. Critics allege that the selection process resembled a “lottery,” suggesting that internal party dynamics played a larger role than merit. Supporters, however, emphasize his extensive experience, party loyalty, and active public service record as factors that qualify him to lead the region.

Rathore is widely recognized as a trusted ally of PPP leadership, including Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and senior party figures, highlighting his political influence and the confidence vested in him by his party. His biography reflects a blend of inherited political legacy, personal initiative, and engagement with constituents—a combination that could shape the future of AJK governance.

As he assumes office, Rathore’s challenge will be to translate his lineage, experience, and public support into effective governance, bridging historical expectations with contemporary demands from a region facing economic, social, and political challenges.

University of Poonch Locked Down After Failed Negotiations, Classes Suspended for Two Days

The Azadi Times
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University of Poonch Locked Down After Failed Negotiations, Classes Suspended for Two Days

Students at the University of Poonch staged a protest on Monday by locking the main gates of the university. They demanded the rollback of recent fee hikes, the suspension of the Deputy Director of Student Affairs (DDSA), provision of improved transport facilities, and the establishment of anti-harassment committees to ensure student representation.

The university administration held negotiations with the students and immediately issued an order to suspend the DDSA. Additionally, a circular was released promising prompt action on improving transport facilities and other pending demands. However, the demand for a reduction in fees was not accepted.

Expressing distrust in the negotiations, students announced they would continue their protest, locking all main gates of the university campuses from Tuesday and staging sit-in demonstrations. Consequently, the university administration announced the suspension of classes on Tuesday and Wednesday, while ensuring that examinations and research work continue as scheduled.

The students insist that the recent fee hike be reversed immediately. The administration, however, stated that fee decisions are made at the government level, and the university has no authority to modify them. Students requested a written confirmation stating that the university is not responsible for the fee increase, but the administration reportedly refused to provide this documentation.

It is important to note that universities in Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir do not have the authority to set fees, nor is there any formal mechanism for this. Fee structures are determined within the university syndicate and senate. Nevertheless, universities often increase fees to manage financial shortfalls, align enrollments across departments, and achieve other institutional objectives.

Universities in the region are facing severe financial challenges. After the transfer of higher education responsibilities to provincial authorities, the federal government of Pakistan reduced Higher Education Commission (HEC) funding. This led to cuts of up to 60% in the funding allocated to universities in Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir.

To cover these deficits, universities requested additional government funding last year. While funds were released to some universities, the University of Poonch reportedly did not receive its allocation, leaving it in a critical financial situation. Although the government continues to establish new universities, HEC budget cuts have forced institutions to rely heavily on student fees to meet operational costs.

This approach has led to declining enrollment in many departments, with only a few programs seeing healthy student intake. Social sciences and literature departments, in particular, are witnessing near-zero enrollments, which could strain faculties in the future.

Experts suggest that instead of placing the financial burden on students and parents, universities should be made financially self-sufficient by connecting academic programs with markets, industry, and agriculture. For instance, the University of Poonch, known primarily for its agricultural programs, could focus on agriculture, horticulture, and livestock, collaborating with government departments to integrate faculty expertise with production. This would meet local market demands, create new jobs, and move the university toward financial sustainability. IT programs can be similarly developed to generate skilled graduates aligned with market needs.

However, achieving this requires not only improving the quality of education but also comprehensive government-level planning.

Muzaffarabad Assembly: Fourth Prime Minister in One Term – A Matter of Faces or the Face-Changers?

The Azadi Times
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Muzaffarabad Assembly: Fourth Prime Minister in One Term – A Matter of Faces or the Face-Changers?

The Prime Minister of the Legislative Assembly of Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir, Chaudhry Anwar-ul-Haq, faces a vote of no-confidence today. It has already been determined that the Pakistan Peoples Party’s nominee, Faisal Mumtaz Rathore, will be elected Prime Minister for the remaining few months of the term. This vote of no-confidence had been filed after nearly a month of preparation on Friday. In the 53-member assembly, if 27 members support the motion, the Prime Minister can be ousted, and the motion was submitted with the signatures of exactly 27 assembly members. Interestingly, the majority of the members who submitted the motion are part of the cabinet and currently hold ministerial positions. The nominated Prime Minister is still serving as the Minister of Local Government. All of these ministers submitted the motion without relinquishing their own ministries.

During this term of the assembly, Faisal Mumtaz Rathore is set to become the fourth Prime Minister, and the majority of assembly members who will vote for him had also voted for the previous three Prime Ministers within the same term. The spectacle raises questions about democracy, freedom, and the struggle for autonomy, arguably unparalleled in history.

In the 2021 general elections, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) gained a majority. The Prime Minister was chosen in a lottery drawn in Bani Gala, appointing an individual who could hardly have anticipated such an outcome. Abdul Qayyum Niazi served for nine months before being removed through a vote of no-confidence by his own party. The premiership then passed to billionaire Tanveer Ilyas, who was declared disqualified within a year by the courts for contempt of court. The assembly members had to wait for several days to decide who would next wear the Prime Ministerial crown. Speculation remains whether the messenger struggled to deliver the message or if there was a technical obstruction in its transmission. Ultimately, at midnight, the message reached the assembly, and 48 of the 53 members elected a person who had not yet resigned from the post of Speaker.

Immediately after Chaudhry Anwar-ul-Haq’s election as Prime Minister, the opposing political forces—PTI and the PDM coalition—celebrated and congratulated the new Prime Minister. This election made clear which political force he would represent. Chaudhry Anwar-ul-Haq, elected on the PTI ticket, announced that he would serve as Prime Minister of the PDM (PPP, PML-N, and PTI Forward Block). PTI’s influence was limited to a few members, alongside whom the opposition leader was elected. This assembly is once again repeating a pattern where the same members vote for both Prime Minister and opposition leader.

The Legislative Assembly of Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir has been functioning since 1974 under the Pakistani government’s executive order, Act 1974, later referred to as the Interim Constitution. Just as the Pakistani government imposed this interim constitution, the formation and dismissal of governments remain at the discretion of the government in Islamabad. Over the last twenty years, this is the second instance where four Prime Ministers have been replaced within the same assembly term. Previously, the assembly from 2006 to 2011 saw four Prime Ministers from the same party. In contrast, during the current term, three Prime Ministers came from PTI, and the fourth will be from PPP.

A significant portion of Chaudhry Anwar-ul-Haq’s cabinet comprised members from constituencies reserved for Jammu Kashmir migrants residing in Pakistan, along with members from PTI Forward Block, PPP, and PML-N. This cabinet, consisting of approximately 40 members, was repeatedly referred to by Chaudhry Anwar-ul-Haq as an MLE government.

The first three changes in the Prime Ministership over the last four years were influenced by political changes in Pakistan, while the fourth change is being implemented due to conditions arising within Jammu and Kashmir itself. Following the election of Prime Minister Anwar-ul-Haq in April 2023, a public rights movement emerged after a sudden increase in wheat prices, eventually evolving into a state-level movement that continues to this day. During this period, government ministers privately blamed Pakistan’s powerful institutions for the movement while publicly attributing it to Indian intelligence. Pakistani authorities also presented the movement as a foreign conspiracy.

Meanwhile, members of PML-N, removed from power, continued to portray Prime Minister Anwar-ul-Haq as the leader of the public rights movement and the source of all problems. However, critical decisions for managing this movement, including negotiations and approvals of demands, were consistently taken by powerful authorities.

Now, blaming the failure of their own policies on the Prime Minister, authorities have ensured the selection of an even more loyal figure as the new Prime Minister. Faisal Mumtaz Rathore, appointed as Prime Minister, has spent the past two and a half years as head of the government committee negotiating with the leadership of the public rights movement and unofficially representing the government in national media. Authorities and the Pakistani government are now attempting to convince the people of Jammu and Kashmir that Chaudhry Anwar-ul-Haq failed to address issues and that Faisal Rathore will resolve them. Under a “Shehbaz Sharif model,” Rathore is expected to restore public confidence in the government during the remaining assembly term and potentially secure a full five-year term in the next elections.

Faisal Mumtaz Rathore resigned from his ministerial position hours before his election, but unlike local party leaders’ statements or the stance taken in the no-confidence motion, no specific accusations were made against Anwar-ul-Haq, indicating Rathore will largely continue the previous government’s policies.

Despite having nearly a month to secure numbers for the vote of no-confidence, negotiations over future arrangements with the centers of power delayed the process. During this period, compromises were made over the 27th constitutional amendment and allocations of regional and central power contracts.

Thus, under Pakistan’s established formulas for governance, decisions about who will rule Jammu and Kashmir have been taken without consulting local stakeholders. Ironically, Prime Minister Anwar-ul-Haq was not even free to decide on dissolving the assembly. Even knowing for a month that he was about to be removed, he could not take action due to lack of authorization. Despite this helplessness, he continued to play the role of a political puppet of the colonial-style system with apparent pride.

Demands for the right to governance and ownership of resources in the region are widely recognized. Through repeated changes in government and negotiations with the leadership of the public rights movement, authorities have attempted to divert public attention from pressing issues by presenting new faces. However, this time, face changes alone cannot mask the underlying colonial structure. Unless the colonial framework is altered, governance rights cannot be restored, nor can the region’s core issues be addressed. The time has come to transfer authority from the face-changers back to the rightful owners—the people.

Beyond the Billboard: A Strategic Guide to Choosing the Right Lawyer for Your Life’s Challenges

The Azadi Times
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Beyond the Billboard: A Strategic Guide to Choosing the Right Lawyer for Your Life’s Challenges

NEW YORK/LONDON — Whether you’re navigating a complex business deal, facing a daunting courtroom battle, or managing a sensitive family matter, the moment you realize you need a lawyer is often a moment of high stakes and high stress. In this vulnerable position, the choice of legal counsel becomes more than a transaction; it is the selection of a strategic partner, a guide, and an advocate.

The legal landscape, however, can feel like a labyrinth. From flashy television ads to dense online directories, the paths to finding representation are many, but the right one is not always clear. How do you cut through the noise and find not just *a* lawyer, but the right lawyer?

The answer lies not in finding the most famous or most affordable attorney, but in a deliberate process of matching your specific needs with the precise expertise, approach, and rapport that your situation demands.

I. The Foundation: Understanding Your Legal Terrain

Before you begin your search, you must first define the problem. A “lawyer” is not a monolith; the law is a field of deep specializations.

  • The Nature of Your Case: Is this a criminal accusation, a civil lawsuit (like a personal injury claim), a corporate contract dispute, a family matter like a divorce, or an issue with immigration or intellectual property?

  • The Desired Outcome: What does success look like to you? Is it a financial settlement, an acquittal, a favorable custody arrangement, or simply sound preventative advice? Defining your goal will help you find a lawyer with a proven track record in achieving similar results.

“People often make the mistake of hiring a brilliant generalist for a highly specialized problem,” says Michael Thorne, a legal ethics consultant and former bar association president. “You wouldn’t see a cardiologist for a broken foot. The same principle applies in law.”

II. The Search: Where to Look Beyond the First Page of Google

While search engines can be a starting point, sophisticated searches go deeper.

  • Bar Association Directories: Your local or national bar association (e.g., the American Bar Association, The Law Society in the UK) maintains certified directories of licensed attorneys, often searchable by practice area and location. These are often more reliable than commercial, pay-to-play directories.

  • Peer-Based Referrals: The highest compliment an attorney can receive is a referral from another lawyer. If you know a lawyer in a different field (e.g., a real estate attorney), ask them for a recommendation in the specialty you need. They have professional insight into who is truly respected among their peers.

  • Professional & Personal Networks: Ask trusted colleagues, mentors, or friends who have faced similar legal challenges. Their firsthand experience with a lawyer’s communication style, diligence, and effectiveness is invaluable.

III. The Vetting Process: Your Due Diligence Checklist

Once you have a shortlist, it’s time to investigate.

A. Scrutinize Their Professional Record:

  • Specialization and Credentials: Look for board certification or membership in specialized practice groups within their field. How long have they focused on this specific area of law?

  • Track Record: In your initial consultation, ask pointed questions about their experience with cases like yours. What were the outcomes? Avoid lawyers who promise a specific result, but favor those who can articulate a clear strategy.

  • Disciplinary History: Check with your local bar association to confirm they are in good standing and have no record of serious public discipline.

B. Assess the Human Factor in the Consultation:
Most lawyers offer a brief initial consultation, often free of charge. Treat this as a two-way interview. It’s not just for them to assess your case, but for you to assess them.

Key Questions to Ask:

  1. “What is your initial assessment of my situation?” (Listen for clarity, not guarantees.)

  2. “Who will be handling my day-to-day case? Will it be you, or will it be delegated to a junior associate?”

  3. “What is your preferred style of communication? How often can I expect updates?”

  4. “What is your fee structure?” (Hourly, flat fee, contingency?)

Crucial Intangibles to Gauge:

  • Do They Listen? A good lawyer will spend more time listening to you than talking at you. They should be absorbing the nuances of your story.

  • Do They Explain Clearly? They should be able to break down complex legal concepts into plain language you can understand, without condescension.

  • Do You Feel a Sense of Trust? This is the most subjective, yet most critical, element. You are sharing sensitive information and placing your trust in this person. If your gut feeling signals unease, pay attention.

IV. Demystifying the Financials: Understanding Fees and Agreements

A transparent conversation about money is non-negotiable.

  • Hourly Rate: You pay for every hour (or fraction of an hour) the lawyer works on your case.

  • Flat Fee: A set price for a defined service, common for things like drafting a will or handling a simple incorporation.

  • Contingency Fee: The lawyer gets a percentage (typically 30-40%) of the money you win in a settlement or verdict. Common in personal injury cases. If you lose, they get nothing.

  • Retainer: An upfront payment that is placed in a trust account and drawn from as the lawyer works.

Ensure you receive a clear, written fee agreement that outlines all these terms before any work begins.

V. The Red Flags: When to Walk Away

Be wary of an attorney who:

  • Guarantees a specific outcome. The law is inherently uncertain.

  • Is difficult to reach or fails to return calls promptly during the initial engagement phase.

  • Pressures you to make a quick decision or sign an agreement immediately.

  • Is vague or evasive about fees or how they will handle your case.

  • Lacks a professional office or support staff, which can indicate a lack of organization or resources for complex matters.

Conclusion: An Investment in Peace of Mind

Choosing a lawyer is a profound decision that can alter the course of your business, your family, or your life. By moving beyond a reactive search and embracing a strategic, deliberate process, you empower yourself. You are not just hiring a service provider; you are selecting a champion for your cause.

The best lawyer is not merely the one with the most impressive wins, but the one whose expertise, character, and commitment align perfectly with your unique needs—turning a moment of legal vulnerability into a path toward a more secure future.

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