Muzaffarabad: In Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir, the “Public Rights Movement,” which has been active for the past two years – held a massive rally on Saturday in the capital, Muzaffarabad. At this gathering, the movement not only expressed its grievances over broken government promises but also announced an addition to its Charter of Demands as a direct response.
The Muzaffarabad rally was organized in commemoration of the martyrdom anniversary of the “Martyrs of the Public Rights Movement.” Delegations composed of action committees and political workers from all districts poured into Muzaffarabad. The event lasted for nearly eight hours and featured speeches by the majority of the 31-member Jammu Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee, as well as several political leaders and the heads of the traders’ association.
There was a strong public demand that if the government failed to implement the Charter of Demands, the Action Committee’s leadership should declare a final protest. However, the leadership announced that the deadline agreed upon in their pact with the government would expire on December 8. It was stated that only after this deadline expires would another meeting be convened to call for a major protest. Key leaders within the movement even hinted that another long march towards Muzaffarabad could be on the cards. One leader went further by suggesting that this time, not only would the assembly be blockaded, but it would also be seized.
What Does the Declaration Say?
The declaration issued at the rally pays tribute to both the “Martyrs of Jammu and Kashmir” and the “Martyrs of the Public Rights Movement.” It reaffirms the commitment to continue the struggle until the objectives for which the martyrs sacrificed their lives are fully achieved. The committee declares its steadfast belief in a peaceful political struggle and expresses deep sorrow over the martyrdoms and the loss of property that occurred on both sides of Jammu and Kashmir during the war between Pakistan and India.
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Furthermore, the declaration states that lasting peace in the region – be it between Pakistan and India or across South Asia – remains unattainable until the Jammu and Kashmir issue is resolved in line with the aspirations and demands of the Kashmiri people. It calls for the right to self-determination to be granted in accordance with the United Nations Charter.
Should any decision be imposed contrary to the popular will, or should war be imposed, the declaration insists that there exists an inalienable right to peacefully breach the ceasefire line. Moreover, it appeals to the citizens of Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives, Afghanistan, Iran, and other countries to raise their voices for Kashmiri self-determination, so as to prevent fueling a nuclear conflict between Pakistan and India.
The declaration also condemns the arrests of leaders of the Gilgit-Baltistan Public Action Committee and demands their immediate release. It urges the government to stop repeatedly breaking its promises and to implement the agreed upon terms of the Charter of Demands before June 8. In case of non-compliance, the movement has threatened to convene a meeting in the Mirpur Division after June 8 to declare the next course of action. The recent additional privileges granted to the elite were dismissed as a mere farce, with a call to abolish such entitlements.
There is also a demand for the release of leaders, including Yasin Malik, and a condemnation of abductions, with a clear call to recover all missing persons and hand them over to the police. The declaration further condemns appointments made against merit and insists that such decisions be reversed. It criticizes load shedding and demands that the area be declared a load-shedding-free–free zone; should this not be met, a protest is threatened.
Using the government’s habit of breaking promises as justification, the leadership announced the addition of a 16-point Charter of Demands. This would be in addition to an earlier proposed 10-point Charter of Demands that had been discussed in multiple negotiations with the government.
The new Charter of Awami Action Committee Demands covers a wide range of issues, including:
• Free healthcare • Free and equal education • The establishment of an international airport • Provision of water for drinking and irrigation • Eliminating corruption, bribery, and the culture of favoritism
Additionally, it includes a demand to abolish the quota for refugees (designated as “muhajirin”) in the 12 seats of the legislative assembly and in employment opportunities.
Government Reaction and Criticisms of the Leadership
The massive participation from across Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir at the Muzaffarabad rally clearly demonstrated that a significant section of the public still remains attached to the movement. While the government attempted to understate the numbers, it also tried to neutralize traders’ organizations via judicial orders. Efforts to impose a government-backed leadership, rejected previously by the public, through official rallies have failed to take root.
The movement’s leadership again became the subject of criticism as political workers, influential movement figures, and voices challenging the colonial legacy were deliberately kept off the stage. Due to a popular leader, known for his active role and for enduring the hardships of detention, being excluded from the stage, intense backlash erupted on social media over two days, and an open letter was addressed to the leadership.
Moreover, reports have emerged of internal disputes within the Action Committee’s leadership when another dynamic leader was invited to the stage. Several trader leaders and key activists also expressed their discontent at not being given a platform. Although the leadership had decided that only the central 31 leaders of the Action Committee should be on stage, a representative from the Haveli district also voiced his dissatisfaction for not being included in either the consultation process or the stage.
Two Years of Achievements
Initially, the movement began with three core demands: the provision of electricity at production cost, the supply of subsidized flour, and the abolition of the privileges enjoyed by the ruling elite. A few months later, a 10-point Charter of Demands was issued, addressing both primary and ancillary issues.
Following the long march held last May—and subsequent negotiations between Pakistan’s intelligence agencies (ISI and MI) and sector commanders emergency arrangements were made resulting in reduced electricity prices and the supply of subsidized flour. The active participation of the public transformed the character of the movement into one that is staunchly anti-colonial and anti-neoliberal. However, state intervention continues to attempt to confine the movement to vague slogans.
To date, the government has not taken any steps to put the state grid station into operation; as a result, electricity produced locally at very low costs could, in theory, be directly provided to the people. Under emergency measures, distribution companies have been granted a subsidy and differential tariff amounting to 104 billion rupees when supplying electricity from Pakistan’s National Grid. This sum is indirectly being deducted from the taxes collected from the region’s people.
Similarly, there was a demand for subsidized flour following the Gilgit Baltistan model, which has been adjusted on an emergency basis from the governmental budget allocated to Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir. In effect, funds from other public welfare programs meant to provide subsidized electricity and flour have been reduced. No arrangements have yet been made for the local electricity produced in the area to be contracted for supply to the government.
The government’s approach to these demands has gradually been streamlined under the pretext of formulating an internal code of conduct. The “SOPs” (Standard Operating Procedures) issued implicitly state that no criticism will be directed at the government of Pakistan or its institutions. Instead, only the 53 assembly members present in the Muzaffarabad assembly are labeled as the usurpers of rights. Thus, by deliberately confining the emerging movement against local rulers and colonial power brokers solely to Muzaffarabad, the demands for the right to govern and for property rights remain ambiguously expressed.
It is also made clear in the declaration that the region’s right to self-governance was stripped away through the Karachi Agreement and the Colonial Interim Constitution Act of 1974. Under that very act, the right to ownership of local resources was also taken away. According to this act, the local rulers of Muzaffarabad have powers equivalent only to that of a municipal corporation, while all legislative powers continue to reside with the government of Pakistan. Nonetheless, the struggle to restore the right to self-governance continues, albeit without directly confronting the government.
In order to compel the government to come to the negotiating table, measures have been taken to use fundamental constitutional and democratic freedoms as bargaining chips. These include demands for the restoration of a constituent government as per the “Declaration of Independence,” as well as for the abolition of refugee seats and quotas. Although the demand for restoring a constituent government was quickly abandoned, it remains to be seen what the future holds for the demands related to refugees.
Crisis of Leadership
Public movements are a true test of leadership. Often, leaders who lack clear ideology but are opportunistic and possess populist appeal end up exploiting the movement to serve their own disreputable and superficial agendas. The limited numerical presence and near-absence of progressive, quality leadership have paved the way for middle-class opportunists, narrow-minded nationalist leaders, and business elites to dominate the movement’s leadership. Consequently, rather than mobilizing the movement further, a process of dilution, compromise, and even co-optation by the ruling authorities and state institutions is underway.
On the other hand, there is also a powerful popular uprising which, in the past, has successfully thwarted every attempt at compromise or opportunism with its own strength—and continues to ensure that the movement’s momentum does not falter through active public participation.
How Should the Movement Proceed?
For the movement to advance, it is essential to integrate the stated demands into a clear political program that challenges the colonial system. This requires devising a program for the establishment of a constituent assembly and for securing ownership rights over all natural resources and electricity projects in the region including foreign exchange. The current leadership not only lacks the requisite capability and vision but also appears intimidated by both the potential rise of the movement and the might of the state.
Without explicitly naming oppression as such, it is nearly impossible to challenge it; disguising these demands in palatable language only results in compromise. In fragmented and relatively disorganized movements, the presence of opportunistic right-wing leaders who pursue power through internal consensus is, in essence, a self-deception. Although minor issues affecting traders might be resolved through collusion with the state, two years of experience have clearly shown that this approach is ineffective when seeking approval for demands that fundamentally challenge the colonial system.
Despite the best efforts of the ruling elite, state institutions, and even the so-called leadership, the movement is not likely to disappear quickly. Instead, it demands that the public exercise patience, provide clear guidance, and remain steadfast.
History has shown that the people involved in the movement will not only achieve tangible results on their own but will eventually forge their own leadership from within. Even if the movement is temporarily compromised or succumbs to despair, the people of this region will rise again with renewed vigor and spirit to reclaim their rights.
